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[SECOND EDITION, REVISED.] 



BIOGRAPHY 



OF 



HENRY CLAY. 



BY GEORGE D. PRENTICE. 



Nc^-Yarfe : 



rUBLlSHED BY JOHN JAY PHELPS. 



1S31. 






2, 



Diilrict of Cotinpctirut. si*. 

BE IT UEMEMBERED, That on the fourth day of December, in the 
lifly-llfth year of the indepemience of ihe United Suites of America, 5=amuel 
|[aiiiner, Jr. and John Jay Phelps, of the said district, have deposited in thia 
oiflce tiie title of a bo<ik, the right whereof they claim a^s proprietors, in the 
Words fi'lli)%vins, to wit : 

" lliogniphy t)f llrnry (lay. Hy (Teorje D. Prentice, Ejs<j."' 
Ill cuofoniiity to tJie act jf congress <if the I'liiied Smiths, fiititled, "an act for 
the encouragement of learniiii;, by Si»curing tiie copies of maps, charts, and 
liiHjk.s, to the authors and pf )piietors of such copies, during tlie times therein 
inentioned," and als<i to tiie act, entitled, " an act .supplf-iiieniary to an act, enti- 
tled, ' aa act for the encouragement of ler\rning, by securmg tlie copii-s of mapa» 
r halts, iuid hooks, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, dming the tim^jv 
t'lerein mentiou.'d, and e.Ktending the beneliUi tliereof to llie aits of dcaigui.ig 
.( graving, and etching, lusloiicul and other prints." 

CH.VKLES A. INflER-SOLI^ 
Clerk of the DUtm-l of ConnfcUrut, 
Jl irue copy of record, e.xamined and seal>»d hv rue, 

cHAULK.s A. in(;i:ii.soLl, 

Clerk of t/te DLili id itf djuntcUcut 






PREFACE 



I SHOULD be blind inJeeJ to the present state of r^blick feeling, net to 
be aware, that, in presenting this volume to the pnblick, 1 an. exposing 
my name, humble as it is, to much obloquy. This, however, is a matter 
of Uttle consequence. I have guarded myself against the more disa- 
greeable effects of abuse, by endeavouring not to desene it. My mo- 
tives are .ood ; and hence I am willing that the breath of i>olitic^ ma- 
lice shoukl, like the wind, "blow where it listeth,'|^and 1 shall not stop 
to inquire '= whence it cometh or whither it goeth." 

The publick are perhaps apprized, that most of the following pages 
have been prepared at Lexington, near the residence of Mr. Clay. 
From this circumstance, I deem it proper to say, that Mr. C. is, m no 
degree, responsible for the manner or matter of a single paragraph m 
the volume. I have often had the pleasure of meeting him m society, 
but I am confident that he has communicated to me far less informa- 
tion, with regard to himself, than he would naturally have done, liad 
he not known that I was preparing a sketch of his life. Some month, 
ago, my Publishers applied to him, by letter, to know whether he was 
JiUin.^ that his Biography should be given to the world. In his answer, 
he staled, that, as his acts were before his fellow-citizens, he could pro- 
perly exercise no censorship or control over the comments, either of 
friends or enenues ; but, that he must frankly acknowledge the repug- 
nance of his own private feelings to the contemplated publication. 
Had I read this answer in season, I should have remained in New- 
England. 



PREFACE. 



For many of the unperfe.-tions of this volume, th.^ intoIli<^'cnt reader 
will require no apology. During the greater part of uiy stay in Ken- 
Uicky, I have been unable, from indisposition, to endure the labour of 
writing ; and hence, when ray health has permitted, I have necessarily 
written with a degree of haste wholly inconsistent with the care and 
attention which, under other circumstances, I should certainly have be- 
stowed upon my work. The necessity of sending the manuscript to 
New-England, sheet by sheet, without even allowing myself time to 
preserve copies of it, has undoubtedly led l< some errors of plan and ar 
rangoment. The same necessity, together with that of limiting the vo- 
lume to a given number of pages, has compelled me to omit several im 
portant incidents in the more recent portion of Mr. Clay's history. 

I am not unaware, that the written history of a man, whose life ex- 
hibits no adventures, save iho.^e of an intellectual character, is seldom 
read with that enthusiasm, which is generally called forth by the story 
even of a second rate cliieftain. The reading community are more fond 
of tracing the progress of action than of thought, although the latter is 
the source of the former. Th. y can ir^ze with rapture upon the beauty 
Oi- magniijcence of the stream, without caring to understand the myste- 
ries of tlie power by which the fountain-wave is cast up from its secret 
home. The achievements of the great intelligences of the age are too 
Kttle regarded. If mankind would be careful to trace the mental histo- 
ries of the mighty ones of the earth ; if they would but mark the gra- 
dual unfolding of the principles, the powers, and the passions, of those 
great master spirits, that givo form and pressure to the ages in wliich 
they hve j each generation would be furnished with an amount of 
moral power, by which it might elevate itself into a noblersphere of being;, 
and leave behind it a long tmin of glory for the illumination of f>ostority 
Henry Clay ia such a man — one, whose moral and mental history 
should be regarded as a portion of the common riches of the human 
rare — one of those noble-minded existences, from whom the world's 
happiness and glory arc yet to spring ; and there is more profit in 
scanning the mind of such a being — in marking the origin^ the combi- 
nation, and the development of its powertul elements — than incontem* 



PREFACE. .y 



plating the successes of all the military conquerors, from Alexander to 
Napoleon. 

I have already been freely charged with undertaking the Biogrophy 
of Henry Clay, with a view to influence an approaching political elec- 
tion. That I have formed my opinions on the subject of that electica 
is certainly true. That I wish, by every honourable means, to diffuse 
those opinions, is equally true; and if this sketch of what Mr. Clay 
has done— this imperfect detail of his struggles and his triumphs in his 
country's cause— shall have a tendency to quell the spirit of detraction, 
that, for years, has been pursuing him with a malice not of this world, 
the result of my labours will, thus far, be gratifying to my feelings. 
This is no place for the discussion of political topicks ; yet, I cannct 
forbear saying, that, if the personal enemies of Henry Clay succeed, to 
the extent of their present efforts, his achievements and his reward will 
bear a parallel to those of the Titan, who, for his divine gift to the hu- 
man race, was doomed to undying agonies. 

In the following work, I have, when speaking of Mr. Clay's intellect- 
ual efforts upon the floor of Congress, endeavoured to give, in most cases, 
a general idea of the arguments by which he sustained his opinions. • I 
am sensible that I have, in no case, done these arguments justice ; but, 
perhaps the faint and disfigured copies which I have given, may have 
the effect to turn the attention of some of my readers to the glorious 
originals. Whenever attempting an outline of Mr. C.'s arguments, I 
have used his phraseology or my own, according as I found either the 
one or the other best adtipted to my purpose. 

THE AUTHOR. 

Lexington, Kentucky, November I4th, 1830. 

I* 



BIOGRAPHY 



OF 



HENRY CLAY. 



SECTION FIRST. 

The life of Mr. Clay is so thoroughly interwoven with 
the civil and political history of the country, that it would 
be impossible to do full justice to it, without embracing a 
range of topics and an exactness of detail, that would ex- 
tend the present volume far beyond the limits which we 
must necessarily allot to it. During the last twenty years, 
scarce a single great and salutary measure has been adopt- 
ed, upon which the signet of his wisdom is not set, and 
therefore we may well leave to the Nation's future histo- 
rian the task of furnishing a minute record of his intel- 
lectual achievements. Our task will be of a less ambitious 
character. 

Henry Clay was born in Hanover county, Virginia, 
on the 12th of April, 1777. His father, a clergyman of 
considerable talent and high respectability, died while 
Henry was yet a child. By the kindness of a gentleman 
in Virginia, we have been furnished with a variety of in- 
teresting anecdotes in relation to the ancestors of the subject 
of these memoirs, but we scarce deem it expedient to give 
them to the publick. We are writing the life of a man, 
whose fame, whatever it may be, is his own creation, and 
not an inheritance from his progenitors. His claims to 



BIOGRAPHY OF 



distinction are rested on something better than a penny s 
worth of ribbon transmitted from generation to generation— 
the ho-ht which hovers around his name, is something more 
glorious than the phosphorick ray, that gleams from amid 
the bones of a buried ancestry. 

At an early age, Henry Clay, having obtained a com- 
mon-school education, was placed in the office of Mr. 
Tinsley, Clerk of the High Court of Chancery, at Rich- 
mond Virginia. In this situation, he met occasionally 
with 'the distinguished men of the State, and, at length 
by his amiable deportment, and his striking displays of 
intellect, attracted the attention and gained the friendship 
of Chancellor Wythe and Governor Brooke, who, by 
their joint advice, persuaded him, at the age of nmeteen, 
to undertake the study of the law. For this study he- 
seemed peculiarly fitted, both by genius and inclination,. 
and so assiduous was he in his application to it, that, at 
the age of twenty, he was admitted to practice. Soon af^ 
lerward he went to Lexington, Kentucky, but, instead of 
entering immediately upon his professional career, still con- 
fined himself to his legal studies, with the determination of 
making himself thoroughly master of the great principles 
of law, before he assumed the responsibility of pmctice. 
Up to this period, he had never made an eifort at publick 
speaking, and was wholly unconscious of his own oratori- 
cal powers, although it is said, that his style oi con- 
versation was universally adrmred by his associates, for its 
extreme correctness and elegance. The first display of his 
powers of extemporaneous eloquence was made under pecu- 
liar circumstances. Soon after his removal to Lexington, 
he joined a Debating Society in that ilace, but contmued, 
lor some weeks, to attend its meetings, without ofiTering to 
lake part in its discussions. On one occasion, however, 
when the vote on an interesting questia which had been 



HENRY CLAY. 9 

the subject of debate, was about to be taken, Mr. Ciay 
remarked, in a low but audible whisper, that the subject 
did not appear to him to have been exhausted. This re- 
mark was overheard by several of the members, who, from 
their hig-h opinion of his powers, had long wished to 
persunde him to participate in the debates of the Societ3', 
and they addressed the Chairman simultaneously — '' Do 
not put the question yet — Mr. Clay will speak.'" The 
attention of the Society was now, of course^ directed to 
Mr. Clay, who, not having- sufficient confidence to resist 
the appeal, arose under extraordinary embarrassment, and 
commenced his speech, by saying — '■'■Gentlemen of the 
Jury'!'' The members of the Society, all of whom were 
his personal friends, were luiwilling to increase his agita- 
tion by seeming to take notice of his mistake, and he 
repeated it several times in a stammering tone, till, at 
length, he gradually gained confidence from his own ef- 
forts, and finally, concentrating all his vigorous and dis- 
ciplined powers upon the subject in debate, he surprised 
his audience with a beauty and compass of voice, an exu- 
berance of eloquence, and a force of argument, well wor- 
thy of a veteran Orator. A gentleman who heard this 
speech, has assured us, that it would hardly suffer in com- 
parison with those brilliant efforts of its author, which 
have since thrilled like a voice of salvation throusrh the 
country. It is scarcely necessary to add, that his reputa- 
tion as a speaker was at once established, and that he 
immediately became a leading champion in all the de- 
bates of the Society. The circumstances attending the 
first speech of Mr. Clay, and that of Mr. Burke, were 
strikingly similar. We have somewhere read, that the 
latter orator, like the former, gained in a Debating So- 
ciety the first knowledge of his own vast powers, and 
was there first visited by visions of coming glory. 



10 BIOGRAPHY OF 

A fe-% months after the incident above mentioned, 
Mr. Clay was admitted as a Practitioner before the 
Fayette Court of Quarter Sessions, a court of general 
jurisdiction. His experience, while with the clerk of 
the Richmond Court of Chancery, had acquainted him 
■with the routine of business, and, during the first term, he 
obtained an extensive practice. The Lexington Bar, at 
this time, was the ablest that had ever been in Kentuck}-, 
consisting of George Nicholas, John Breckenridge, James 
Brown, James Hughes, William Murray, and several 
other gentlemen, either of whom would have been the 
leading attorney in almost anj' other place. Notwith- 
standing the number, experience, and strength of these com- 
petitors, Mr. Clay soon came to be entrusted with more 
suits than any rival practitioner, and was more success- 
ful in the management of them. It is said of him, that, 
although he was frequently called on to address the Court 
with but little time for preparation, he always understood 
his causes well, his strength of mind and perspicuity of 
judgement being such as to enable him to comprehend 
them at a glance. We have heard much in relation to 
his early professional efforts. They are well remembered 
"by his fellow citizens, from whom we learn, that he was 
universally regarded as a powerful spirit,, destined, in tho 
meridian of life, to take his place arnon^ the leading intel- 
ligences of the age. He certainly possessed, in a remarka- 
ble degree, those qualities and powers of mind, which fitted 
him for success in his legal practice.. He always seemed 
to discover, as if by intuition, the pecidiar character of 
every man with whom he came in contact. He would 
read it in the eye, and in the flitting expression of 
countenance, and this power, esipeciall}' when he wa.^ 
called on to address a Jury, enabled him almost invariably 
to triumph. By watching with the instinctive keenness- 



HENRY CLAV. 11 

of his vision the vibration of the master-chord in each 
man's bosom, he knew when to confine himself to severe 
argument, when to indulge in the playfulness of humour, 
when to wither his victim with the scorchmg blast of 
his indignation, and when to pour his whole soul abroad 
in a rushing tide of eloquence ; and if, at any time, he 
chanced to excite an unfavourable prejudice on the part of 
his hearers, he would perceive it on the instant, and dex- 
terously change his subject, or his mode of treating it, until 
he read in their countenances the proofs of his success. 
The consequence was, he scarcely ever failed of gaining 
the verdict of a Jury. This intuitive knowledge of 
character is undoubtedly one of the means by which he 
has so generally through life secured the attachment of his 
associates. Probably he has more personal friends — more 
friends, who, in the fullness of their enthusiastick love, 
would almost shed their blood for him, than any other 
man in the United States. This fact is, in part, owing 
to the manliness and ingenuousness of his character, but 
it must also be partially ascribed to that unerring cer» 
tainty with which he reads the thoughts, habits, and feel- 
ings of those who approach him, and the skill and delica- 
cy with which he adapts himself to their peculiarities. 

Mr. Clay, though well acquainted with the law during 
the early years of his practice, was not, in this respect, 
distinguished beyond some of his competitors. In legal 
science he had several formidable rivals, but, in eloquence 
and persuasion, none. Though capable of analyzing the 
most difficult questions, and applying the abstract princi- 
ples of law with extreme ingenuity and force, his genius 
was still better adapted to discussions, in which the na- 
tural powers of intellect were principally called into ex- 
ercise. Whenever the subject of debate admitted of being 
brought within the range of reason, and his mind was al- 



12 BIOGRAPHY OF 

lowed to break away from the technicalities and arbitra- 
ry forms of law, he never failed to excite admiration and 
surprise by the closeness and cogency of his reasonings, 
the boldness and originality of his cpnceptions, and the 
sublime strength of his language — sometimes pursuing, 
by the hour, an unbroken chain of metaphysical disquisi- 
tion, and then giving utterance to a gush of magnificent 
thoughts, like the bursting forth of an imprisoned foun- 
tain. It is, by no means, rare, that the greatest minds are 
not those which are most conversant with the trifling de- 
tails of legal decisions. Genius delights in open space. 
It is the Eagle, that dashes freely abroad through sun 
and storm, and not the Canary, that is content to nibble 
at its narrow cage in the parlour window. 

Mr. Clay had not been long in practice, when he was 
employed to defend Mrs. Phelps, a woman indicted for 
murder. Up to the time of this trial, it had been doubted 
by some, whether his powers as an advocate were not 
overrated by a too partial public. It had been some- 
times suggested, that the youthful stranger caught the eye 
and charmed the ear by the fascination of his manner 
and the melody of his voice, rather than convinced the 
understanding by the profundity and force of his argu- 
ments ; but all controversy upon this point was now to 
be put forever to rest. Mrs. Phelps was the wife of a 
respectable farmer, and was herself respected, both on ac- 
count of the general correctness of her deportment, and 
the good character of the family from which she was de- 
scended. Her victim was a Miss Phelps, a beautiful and 
amiable young lady, and the sister of her husband. It 
seems, that Mrs. P., while in her husband's house, taking 
some offence at her sister-in-law, seized a gun and shot 
her instantly through the heart. The poor girl had orAy 
time to exclaim, ''Sister, you have killed me," and ex- 



HENRY CLAY. 



13 



pired. This case excited the intensest sympathy for the 
husband of the accused, and gave rise to a thousand spe- 
culations as to the nature and extent of the crime. When 
the trial came on, the Court-House was crowded to over- 
flowing, and the interest of the spectators was eloquently 
expressed by the anxiety of their countenances, and the 
deep hush that pervaded the hall. The fact of guilt on 
the part of the defendant could not be contested. The 
act, for which she stood indicted, had been committed 
in the presence of several witnesses, and of course, the 
only question was, to what class of crimes the offence be- 
longed. If it were pronounced murder of the first degree 
the life of the wretched prisoner would be the forfeit, hU 
if manslaughter, she would merely be punished by con- 
finement in the gaol or penitentiary. The legal contest 
was long and able. The efforts of the counsel for the 
prosecution were such as might have been expected from 
a powerful and learned man engaged in a case of deep 
and general interest : yet Mr. Clay not only succeeded in 
saving the life of his client, but excited in her behalf such 
intense pity and compassion, by his moving eloquence^ 
that her punishment was mitigated to the lowest de- 
gree permitted by the law. In the management of this 
case, Mr. C. convinced his fellow citizens, that he was not 
only profoundly versed in the criminal laws of his coun- 
try, but that he was skilled in the science of human 
nature, and knew the home of every weakness and passion. 
Another criminal case, in which Mr. Clay was engaged 
shortly afterward, is said to have been scarcely less inte- 
resting. It was tried in Harrison County. Two Ger- 
mans, father and son, had been indicted for murder, and 
Mr. C. was employed to defend them. The deed of killing 
was proved to the entire satisfaction of the Court, and 
was considered an ags;ravated murder. The whole of 

2 



14 BIOGRAPHY OP 

Mr. C.'s efforts were consequently directed, not to the 
entire exculpation of the defendants, but to the saving 
of their lives. After a warm and unintermitted struggle 
of five days, he succeeded. The Jury found a verdict of 
manslaughter. Not satisfied with this signal triumph, 
Mr. C. moved an arrest of judgement, and, after another 
day's contest, prevailed in this also, and, of course, the 
prisoners were discharged, without even the punishment 
of the crime of which the Jury had found them guilty. 
During the whole of this long trial, an old, ill-favoured 
German female, who was the wife of the elder prisoner 
and the mother of the younger, had been sitting in one 
unvaried posture, watching the countenances of the Jury, 
and listening to the spirited contest of the counsel, 
though she probably understood little of the language 
in which it was conducted. After the success of the 
final motion for an arrest of judgement, a gentleman, who 
had been observing her, approached where she sat, and 
whispered in her ear, that her husband and son were 
acquitted. Her sudden rapture broke over all restraint. 
She threw up her arms in a wild excess of joy, and 
ran to Mr. Clay, and, clinging with d^ ^erate strength 
to his neck, almost smothered him with >-^r kisses. The 
young advocate, no doubt, would wuiingly have dis- 
pensed with these tokens of female favour ; but the hearts 
of the spectators were so touched and purified by the con- 
templation of the happiness they witnessed, that, if a smile 
rested for one moment upon the lip, it was a smile, not 
of derision, but of sympathy and kindred joy. 

Whilst we were making inquiries in relation to the 
cases in which Mi. Clay distinguished himself, during 
the early i)art of his legal practice, we were, several 
times, referred to that of a Mr. Willis, a citizen of Fay- 
ette County, who, as was supposed, had committed a mur- 



HENRY CLAY. 15 

der, under circumstances of peculiar cruelty and cold- 
bloodedness. From representations made previous to the 
trial, Mr. C. consented to undertake his defence, and, hy a 
mighty effort, succeeded, in almost direct defiance of testi- 
mony, in creating a division of the Jury as to the na- 
ture of the defendant's crime. This was the object at 
which he specifically aimed. At the next session of the 
Court, the Attorney for the Commonwealth moved for 
a venire 'facias de novo, in other words, a new trial, 
which was granted by the Court. Mr. Clay made no 
opposition to this motion, but reserved all his strength for 
the argument before the Jury. Wlien his turn came for 
addressing them, in reply to the arguments of the At- 
torney for the Commonwealth, he rose, and commenced 
with assuming the position, that, whatever opinion the 
Jury might have of the guilt or innocence of the prisoner, 
it was too late to convict him, for he had been once tried, 
and the law required, that no man should be put twice in 
jeopardy for the same offence. The Court was startled at 
this assumption, and peremptorily prohibited the speaker 
from proceeding in the argument to maintain it. Mr. 
Clay drew hi?^'--3lf proudly up, and remarking, that, if he 
was not to bf dlowed to argue the whole case to the 
Jury, he could have nothing more to say, made a formal 
bow to the Court, put his books into his green bag, and, 
with Roman dignity, left the hall, followed by his asso- 
ciate counsel. The consequence was as he had fore- 
seen. He had not been at his lodgings more than five or 
ten minutes, when he was waited on by a messenger from 
the Court, requesting his return, and assuring him, that 
he should be permitted to argue the case in his own way. 
Instantly he made his re-appearance in the Hall, pressed, 
with the utmost vehemence, the point he had before at- 
tempted to establish, and, on the ground that his client 



16 BIOGRAPHY OF 

had once been tried, prevailed on the Jury to give him his 
h'berty, without any reference whatever to the testimony 
against him. Such a decision could not now be obtained 
in Kentucky, and, at the period in question, was obviously 
contrary to law. 

We have found, from an examination of the court 
records, in Fayette and the neighbouring counties, that, 
in trials for capital crimes, Mr. Clay was almost uniform- 
ly the advocate of the defendant. We know* but one 
exception, and this grew out of his public relations. It 
appears, that he had made an eifort to procure the office 
of prosecuting attorney for one of his friends. The 
Court, however, would not give it to this friend, but were 
willing to confer it on Mr. Clay himself. The latter felt 
a strong repugnance to the appointment, but consented to 
accept it, from a belief, which afterwards proved correct, 
that he should be able to transfer it to his friend in a short 
time. While in the discharge of the official duties of 
this station, he appeared at the bar against a man ac- 
cused of a capital offence. The defendant was a negro 
slave — a proud and faithful servant — and one, who had 
never been accustomed to the degradation of corporeal 
chastisement. During a temporary absence of his master, 
however, he was placed under the charge of a young and 
passionate overseer, who, for some slight or imaginary 
offence, struck him rudely with a horse-whip. The spirit 
of the slave was instantly roused, and, seizing a weapon 
that was near him, he laid his overseer dead upon the spot. 
This offence, if the perpetrator had been a white man, 
would have been so clearly a case of manslaughter, that 
the counsel for the prosecution would have contended for 
nothing more. It had all the distinguishing characteris- 
ticks of manslauc^hter, havinir been committed in a mo- 
ment of sudden exasperation, and without the shadow 



HENRY CLAY. . 17 

of previous malice. The negro, however, stood indicted 
for murder, and it belonged to Mr. Clay, as v.ounsel for 
the Commonwealth, to sustain, if possible, the nidictment. 
In order to this, he contended, in a long, sulitle, and elabo- 
rate argument, that, although a white man, who, in a fit 
of rage on account of personal chastisement killed his 
assailant, woidd be guilty of manslaughter and not mur- 
der, a slave could plead no such mitigation of a similar 
offence, inasmuch as it was the dui't/ of slaves to submit to 
punishment. We have not a doubt, that this argument 
was directly opposed to the true spirit of the law\ Per- 
haps a slave is bound by law to submit to chastisement 
— ^but does not the law require a white man to submit to 
the same thing, rather than take life ? Certainly. Even 
manslaughter is punishable with imprisonment. The par- 
ticular law, which distinguishes manslaughter from mur- 
der^ has no reference to the duties of the offender, but 
has its whole foundation in the indulgence, which has 
been thought due to those weaknesses and passions of 
human nature, which lead to the violation of duties. 
Every man, who, in a moment of excitement, takes life to 
revenge a personal indignitj'', is guilty of a wrong — the 
'w^hite man no less than the slave. The law of man- 
f^laughter inquires only as to the fact of the existence of 
the excitement at the time the deed is perpetrated — and 
its provisions are as valid in behalf of the slave, as of 
nny other member of the community, unless it can be 
shown, that the endurance of the wrongs and miseries 
of slavery annihilates the darker passions, instead of fos- 
tering and unchaining them, in all their wildness and 
strength. IVIr. Clay was successful in his argument, not- 
withstanding the invalidity of his positions. By Ids 
strong and plausible reasonings, and the exuberance and 
felicity of his illustrations, he wrought so completely ujxm 

2* 



18 BIOGRAPHY OF 

the minds of the Jury, that the prisoner was convicted of 
murder, and sentenced to death. Soon afterward, he was 
borne to the place of execution, and the pride of spirit 
and character, which he there displayed, is said to have 
been worthy of a Roman patriot. Being asked, whether 
he was anxious that his life should be spared — "No!" 
said he, sternly, " I would not live a day longer, unless 
in the enjoyment of liberty." Mr. Clay was not a wit- 
ness of the execution, but we have heard him remark, that 
he regretted the part he had taken in procuring the 
conviction of this poor slave, more than any other act of 
his professional life. 

It is indeed a remarkable fact, that, notwithstanding 
the immense number of capital cases, which Mr. Clay has 
defended, not one of his clients was ever sentenced to 
death. We do not believe, that the history of any other 
advocate, either livmg or dead, can exhibit such a series of 
splendid triumphs. The state of society that existed in 
Kentucky, some years ago, is well known. Murders 
were of frequent occurrence, and, as a natural consequence, 
Mr. C. was almost constantly engaged in defending the 
accused. From his uninterrupted success, it will readily 
be inferred, that, whenever those who were indicted for 
murder were so fortunate as to engage his professional 
services, they felt that their lives were safe. Such was 
indeed the case — but Mr. C. would not consent to under- 
take the defence of all prisoners indiscriminatel3^ It is 
said of him, that he never, in a single instance, consented 
to appear in behalf of a man charged with a capital 
crime, unless he either believed the charge to be unfound- 
ed, or discovered in the crime some little palliating cir- 
cumstance, which enlisted his benevolent sympathies. 
Such indeed is the ardour of his temperament, that, when- 
ever he had once enlisted for a client, his feelings con 



HENRY CLAY. 1& 

tinned deeply and thrillingly interested, whatever facts 
might be developed in the progress of the trial. He has 
often been heard to say, that he was never engaged in 
conducting any defence, where he would not gladly have 
given up the last cent of his fee, if, by so doing, he could 
have advanced, in the slightest degree, the interests of his 
client's cause. 

Although Mr. Clay was peculiarly distinguished for 
his skilful management of criminal causes, his success 
in civil suits was scarcely less signal. In suits that in- 
volved the land laws of Virginia and Kentucky, he had 
no rival. — But it would be in vain to attempt even an 
enumeration of the cases, in which, during the early years 
of his practice, he gathered a rich harvest of gold and 
fame. In a short biographical sketch, that was given of 
him about three years ago, we find mention of an inci- 
dent in his professional life, which was certainly a stri- 
king illustration of the rapidity of his intellectual combi- 
nations, and his power of seizing upon the strong points 
of a case intuitively. We give it as a single specimen of 
what he could do. In conjunction with another attor- 
ney of eminence, whose name we have forgotten, he was 
employed to argue, in the Fayette Circuit Court, a question 
of great difficulty — one, in which the interests of the liti- 
gant parties were deeply involved. At the opening of the 
Court, something occurred to call him away, and the 
whole management of the case devolved on his asso- 
ciate counsel. Two days were spent in discussing the 
points of law, which were to govern the instructions of 
the Court to the jury, and, on each of these points, Mr. 
C.'s colleague was foiled by his antagonist. At the end 
of the second daj-, Mr. Clay re-entered the Court. He 
had not heard a word of the testimony, and knew nothing 
of the course which the discussion had taken, but, after 



20 BIOGRAPHY OF 

holding a very short consultation with his colleaguej he 
drew up a statement of the form in which he w ished the 
instructions of the Court to be given to the jur^, and ac- 
companied his petition with a few observations, so entirely 
novel and satisfactory, that it was granted without the 
least hesitation. A corresponding verdict was instantly 
returned by the jury ; and thus the case, which had been 
oil the very point of being decided against Mr. Clay's 
client, was decided in his favour, in less than half an 
hour after Mr. C. entered the Court-House. 



HENRY CLAY. 21 



SECTION SECOND. 

The commencement of Mr. Clay's political career may 
De dated as far back as the year 1797 — a period at which 
he had scarcely begmi the practice of law. The people 
of Kentucky were then about to elect a conveniion to 
frame a new constitution for the state ; and one feature of 
the plan, which had been submitted to them, was a pro- 
vision for the final emancipation of the slave population. 
The strongest prejudices of a majority of the people in 
every part of the state, were arrayed against this measure, 
and Mr. C. was aware of the fact, but his sentiments and 
his feelings were on the side of emancipation ; and, with- 
out taking a moment's heed to his popularity, he entered 
into the defence of his favourite policy, with all the deep 
and unquenchable ardour of his nature. His vigorcits 
pen was busy in the public journals, and his eloquent 
voice was raised in almost every assemblage, in favour 
of the election of men to the convention, who would con- 
tend for the eradication of slavery. Let it not be sup- 
posed, that the principles which he essayed to vindicate, 
were the same that are avowed by certain ill-judging phi- 
lanthropists of the present day. He did not contend for 
the abolition of slavery at once, but by a slow and cer- 
tain process. He did not propose to break suddenly down 
the barriers of the fearful lake, and let the dark and thun- 
dering torrent sweep over the country, like the tide of 
death — but to open an outlet, through which the waters 
might pass off in silence and safety. The struggle was 
a fierce one ; but the advocates of slavery prevailed, and 
the young champion of liberty and equal rights, who had 



22 BIOGRAPHY OF 

made the aristocrats of the land tremble for their ancient 
prerogatives, became unpopular on account of the part he 
had acted. The true principles of slavery were not then 
understood. The idea of emancipation was new. It 
alarmed the prejudices of the multitude, and Mr. C's. pow- 
erful vindications of it, were regarded by many, rather 
as the brilliant but wayward efforts of a young votary of 
ambition, striving to attract attention by the startling and 
paradoxical character of his opinions, than as the results 
of a calm and deliberate conviction of right. This was 
unquestionably a mistake. His sincerity in opposing ne- 
gro servitude was manifest from every act of his life — 
from his professional, no less than from his political exer- 
tions. Whenever a slave brought an action at law for his 
liberty, Mr. C. volunteered as his advocate ; and, it is said, 
that in the whole course of his practice, he never failed 
to obtain a decision in the slave's favour. A passion for 
the liberty of mankind seems to have formed, at that early 
period, a portion of his being, and he has not changed 
since. He has been the slave's friend through life. In 
all stations he has pleaded the cause of African freedom, 
without fear from high or low. To him, more than to 
any other individual, is to be ascribed that great revolu- 
tion which has taken place in the public sentiment upon 
this subject — a revolution, whose wheels must continue to 
move onward, till they reach the goal of universal free- 
dom. A conviction of the expediency and necessity of 
ultimate emancipation, has been spreading farther and 
farther among our countrymen, and taking deeper and 
deeper root in their minds, and it requires not the spirit of 
prophecy to foretell the end. This rapid and continued 
triumph of the principles, which it was the object of Mr. 
Clay's first political labours to establish, may well be a 



HENRY CLAY. ^ 

source of pride to him, and honest exultation to his 
friends. 

The partial unpopularity which Mr. Clay brought upon 
himself, by his bold and persevering- advocacy of a mea- 
sure, which the majority of his fellow-citizens considered 
as tending to the subversion of their most important inte- 
rests, was not of long duration. In 1798 — 99, the admi- 
nistration of the general government enacted the famous 
alien and sedition laws, which the democracy of the 
country justly regarded as violations of the spirit of the 
constitution, and flagrant aggressions upon the independ- 
ence of the people. The spirit, which was thus awa^ 
kened throughout, the country, too fierce to be quelled till 
the administration retraced its steps, is still vivid in the 
memories of the politicians of that period. Kentucky 
was one of the first states to array herself against the ob- 
noxious laws, and she kept her attitude, undaunted, to the 
last. On this occasion, Mr. Clay came forward in defence 
of the rights of the people; and, notwithstanding his 
youth and inexperience, and the extraordinary zeal and 
eloquence of some of the gentlemen who were engaged in 
the same patriotick cause with himself, he was soon re- 
garded as one of the master-spirits of his party. The 
object of his exertions was, at once, worthy of his pow- 
ers, and adapted to their noblest manifestations. He has 
been deservedly called " the great commoner." It is in 
the defence of popular rights, and the indignant denun- 
ciation of aristocratical tyranny, that his eloquence has 
been most frequently exerted. A gentleman, who was 
present at one of the discussions of the alien and sedition 
laws, informs us, that it would be impossible to give an 
adequate idea of the effect produced. The populace had 
assembled in the fields, in the vicinity of Lexington, and 
were first addressed by Mr. George Nicholas, a distm- 



24 BIOGRAPHY OF 

guished man, and a powerful speaker. The address of 
Mr. Nicholas was long and vehement; and when he de- 
scended from his stand, he was greeted bj the most en- 
thusiastick cheers of the multitude. The name of " Clay" 
was now shouted from all parts of the assemblage, and 
the young orator made his appearance. It was a proud 
day for him. He resumed the subject of governmental 
usurpation, which had been discussed by Mr. Nicholas, 
and set it in a new and more strikins; liffht, until indior- 
nation came like a dark shadow upon every countenance. 
The flame that burned in his own heart, was caught up 
and lighted in every other. He ceased — hut there was no 
shout The feelings of the gathered multitude were too 
wild and deep for applause; and a low, sullen murmur, 
rose upon the air, like the ominous tones of the ocean, 
when "the infant storm is sitting on his dim dark cloud." 
Mr. William Murray, a man of great worth and popu- 
larity, though a federalist, and a supporter of the admi- 
nistration, now attempted to address the people, in reply 
to Nicholas and Clay. For some time his efforts were in 
vain ; and he would have been driven from his stand, had 
not his opponents generously interfered in his behalf He, 
loo, was a man of strength and eloquence; but now, 
when his words followed those of Clay and Nicholas, his 
voice seemed to have lost its spell — it was the quick patter 
of the rain after the bolt had fallen. Another federalist, 
whose name we have forgotten, attempted to follow, in 
support of Mr. Murray — but the people would hear no 
more. His first words were the signal for a simultaneous 
rush from all directions toward the spot where he stood; 
and it was only by a precipitate flight into the country 
that he escaped being treated with personal indignity. 
The people now took Clay and Nicholas upon their shoul- 
ders, and forcing them into a carriage, drew them through 



KENKY CLAY. 25 

the streets, amid shouts of applause. Such an incident 
in the life of a joung orator, who, as yet, had scarcely 
attained to the years of manhood, must have made him 
feel that he had a spirit within him, which might enable 
him to acquire a fame that would gather freshness from 
the stream of years, and flourish beautifully over his tomb, 
like ivy over the ruins of a fallen temple. 

In 1803, while Mr. Clay and a number of his friends 
were at the Olympian Springs, in Bath county, there was 
an election of members of the legislature; and, without 
Mr. C.'s consent or knowledge, a poll was opened for him 
in the county of Fayette. At first, his success seemed 
impossible — several old and distinguished candidates ha- 
ving already been brought before the electors. During 
the first and second days he received a very respectable 
support, but was not, it is believed, in advance of his 
rivals, who were constantly on the ground, haranguing 
the people in favour of their respective claims, and insist- 
ing that Mr. Clay did not wish the office, to which his 
friends had nominated him. On the evening of the se- 
cond, or the morning of the third day of the election, Mr. 
C. himself arrived on the ground. At first he adopted 
the resolution of taking no part in the contest ; but after 
listening, for some time, to the electioneering speeches of 
his competitors, and witnessing the arts of intrigue that 
were practised to defeat him, his feelings became gradu- 
ally interested, and he, at length, addressed the electors in 
person. His remarks were few, but well directed. He 
told his fellow-freemen that he was, indeed, young and 
inexperienced, and had neither announced himself as a 
candidate, nor solicited their votes; but that, as his friends 
had thought proper to bring forward his name, he waa 
anxious not to be defeated. He then gave an explanation 
of his political views, and closed with an ingenuous ap- 

3 



20 BIOGRAPHY OF 

peal to the feelings of the people; and such was the effect 
])roduced, ttiat his election was subsequently carried, al- 
most by acclamation. This w^as Mr. C.'s first election to 
anj office: and when we recollect that it took place in a 
state where, especially at that period, it was the universal 
practice of candidates to proclaim their own names and 
qualifications several weeks previous to the day of trial, 
and sc^k for support by intrigue, in all its forms of wick- 
edness and cunning, v/e shall readily conclude that Mr. 
Clay was regarded, in his own county, as a j^oung man 
of extraordinary intelligence and political virtue. It is 
worthy of remark, that the confidence which was thus 
reposed in him in his earlier years, has never been with- 
drawn. Whenever his friends have asked an office for 
him at the hands of the citizens of Fayette, it has been 
given him by an overwhelming majority. 

One of the immediate causes of Mr. Clay's election to 
the office of representative, in 1803, grew out of the state 
of public feeling in Fayette, on the subject of the Lex- 
ington Insurance Office. Mr. Felix Grundy, then an in- 
fluential politician in Kentucky, had given evidence of an 
intention to procure the repeal of the law incorporatmg 
the insurance office : and, with a view to this object, was 
electioneering in the counties south of the Kentucky river. 
Mr. Clay, being engaged in the practice of law, gave lit- 
tle attention to Mr. Grundy's movements; but it was well 
known in Fayette, that he regarded the object of Mr. G. 
as both inexpedient and unconstitutional. Holding these 
views, he was selected by the friends of the insurance 
office as their champion. During the legislative session 
of ihat year, he easily defeated the attempt that was 
made to repeal the law of incorporation ; but in the fol- 
lowing year, 1 804, Mr. Grundy himself obtained a seat in 
the house, and brought with him a majority of memberiB 



HENRY GLAY. 27 

pledged to support his views. In such a state of things, 
it was supposed, that argument would be of no avail. 
The representatives of the people, even if convinced of 
the impropriety of the repeal, would have no right to act 
on that conviction. Mr. Clay, however, met Mr. Grundy 
in the debate, determined, at least, that the character of 
the measure, which was about to be forced so improperly 
through the house, should be thoroughly exposed and un- 
derstood. The only heroes in opposition were Clay and 
Grundy, both good speakers, and youthful politicians ; and 
the display of talent by each was so brilliant during the 
two days of the discussion, that the hall was thronged 
with spectators, many of whom could obtain no seats ; 
and the m.embers of the Senate were in almost constant 
attendance at the house. It was the one great debate of 
the session. All acknowledged that Grundy had talents, 
and that he managed the debate with extreme adroitness ; 
but no one pretended that he was equal to his opponent, 
either in elocution, political information, logical skill, or 
extent of mental resources. After finding himself com- 
pelled to desist from offensive warfare, he tried every ex- 
pedient to secure a safe escape ; but his eagle-foe pursued 
him close in all his movements — his sweeps towards earth 
and his flights towards heaven — and, at last, grappled 
with him, and held him fast. In the trial of numbers, 
which followed this encounter, Mr. Grundy's partj^ pre- 
vailed, as had been foreseen ; but this poor triumph availed 
nothing. Mr. Clay had so plainly demonstrated the un- 
constitutionality and impolicy of the measure, against 
which his efforts were directed, that the members of the 
Senate, who had been present, reversed the doings of the 
house without a division, and almost without a discussion, 
and the insurance company was permitted to retain its 
charter. 



28 BIOGRAPHY OF 

In the course of the legislative session of 1805, Mr. 
Claj made an effort to procure the removal of the seat of 
government from Frankfort ; and his speech on the occa- 
sion is said to have been an inimitable specimen of argu- 
ment and humour. Frankfort is peculiar in its appear- 
ance and situation, being sunk down, like a huge pit, 
below the surrounding country, and environed by rough 
and precipitous ledges. '' We have," said Mr. C, " the 
model of an inverted hat — Frankfort is the body of the 
hat, and the lands adjacent are the brim. To change the 
figure, it is Tiaiure^s great penitentiary ; and, if the mem- 
bers of this house would know the bodily condition of the 
prisoners, let them look at those poor creatures in the gal- 
lery." As he said this, he pointed with his finger to half 
a dozen figures, that chanced, at the moment, to be moving 
about in the galleries, more like aniiriated skeletons just 
escaped from the grave-yard, than ordinary specimens of 
humanity. The objects thus designated, seeing the atten 
tion of the whole assembly suddenly called to them, and 
conscious of their own miserable looks, dodged, with the 
most ludicrous terror, behind the railing, and the assem- 
bly was thrown into a convulsion of merriment. The 
members of the house were so well satisfied with Mr. C.'s 
argument, and so much pleased with his humour, that 
they readily went with him in voting for the removal of 
the seat of government ; but it was subsequently found 
impossible to agree upon a new location, and the legisla- 
ture still continues to hold its sessions at Frankfort. Mr. 
C.'s attempts at the humourous were never frequent, but 
they were usually irresistible ; and although, on such oc- 
casions, his remarks seemed the mere breaking forth of 
involuntary hilarity, they were always directed, with philo- 
sophical skill, to the accomplishment of the object which 
he had in view. 



iiEARY CLAY. 29 

Hotwithstanding the conspicuous and important part 
•^-hich Mr. Clay was now acting in the legislature, his 
professional labours were continued without remission. 
The two distinct spheres in which he moved, mutually re- 
llected brightness on each other. His great reputation as a 
civilian increased his practice at the bar, and his high cha- 
racter as a lav/jer gave him an additional influence in the 
legislature. His judicial eloquence retained all its early 
characteristicks, but was constantly improving in grace and 
strength. His high station enabled him to disdain all those 
petty devices, to which the inferior members of the profes- 
sion are often tempted to descend for the sake of a subsist- 
ence. His enemies, as well as his friends, admit, that he 
could never be prevailed on, by offers from the great and 
affluent, to conduct an unjust or oppressive prosecution ; 
and, that he never refused to undertake the defence of a 
man in humble life, on account of the power or standing of 
the opposite party. This very magnanimity involved liim, 
at the period of which we have been speaking, in an un- 
pleasant quarrel with Col. Joseph Hamilton Daviess, the 
district attorney of the United States, and a man of high 
character and great genius. Col. Daviess, in a moment 
of irritation, had struck a tavern-keeper in Frankfort for 
some common and trifling remark. To punish the indigni- 
ty, the tavern-keeper obtained a writ against the offender. 
This was easily done, but to procure an attorney to conduct 
the prosecution proved a more difficult matter. The plain- 
tijEf made application to every member of the bar in his vi- 
cinity, but all were afraid of provoking the indignation of 
Col. D., and refused to appear against him. At length the 
plaintiff, by the advice of friends, addressed a letter to Mr. 
Clay, detailing his wrongs and perplexities, and inijiiiiing 
whether Mr. C. would consent to undertaken the niiuiago- 

3* 



30 BIOGRAPHY OF 

ment of his cause. Without the least hesitation, Mr. Clay 
returned an affirmative answer, and the cause soon came 
on for trial. The defendant, Col. Daviess, acted as his 
own attorney, and was cruelly and unnecessarily severe 
upon the humble individual, oy whom he had been arraigned. 
Mr. Clay was never the man to hear a client abused with 
impunity, and on this occasion, he retorted with a keenness, 
at which Col. D. was so incensed, that, during an interval 
of the trial, he sent Mr. Clay a note, warning him, with 
an air of something like authority, not to indulge again 
in such offensive language. The latter instantlj^ returned 
for answer, that he was the plaintiff's attorney, and should 
manage his cause according to his own judgement, without 
taking advice from any one, and, least of all, from his cli- 
ent's antagonist. The trial proceeded, and Col. Daviess, 
burning with shame, and stung to resentment by the laconick 
replj^ that had been returned to his note, sent Mr. Clay a 
challenge to single combat. The affair came near termi- 
nating seriously. The challenge, we believe, was accepted ; 
but the friends of the parties interfered, and effected such 
an entire reconciliation between them, that thev continued 
strongly attached to each other, till the death of Col. Da- 
viess, who was killed at the battle of Tippecanoe, some 
years afterwards. 

It was in the autumn of 1S06, and while Mr. Clay was 
an active and influential member of the legislature, that he 
appeared at the bar in behalf of the celebrated Aaron Burr, 
who had been arrested in the state of Kentucky, at the in- 
stance of the district attornev of the United States, Col. 
Daviess, upon a charge of commencing a military expedi- 
tion contrary to the federal laws. Young as Mr. Clay 
then was, it certainly was a high comphment to his tale'Hs 
and legal attainments, that a in;in of Biut's vast pov /s, 
and unrivalled keenness of (h.^crimination, should select 



HENRY CLAY. 31 

him for his attorney in a cause involving life and honour ; 
but, as Mr. C.'s conduct in this affair has been the subject 
of many unwarrantable remarks from his enemies, we have 
thought it expedient to give a brief sketch of the important 
facts connected with it. The circumstances under which 
Burr was arrested, were peculiar. Scarce any man in 
Kentucky, at that time, believed him guilty of the crime 
laid to his charge. In the early part of the year in which 
he was arrested, two gentlemen by the name of Street and 
Wood, went from Virginia to Kentucky, and commenced 
the publication of a newspaper, entitled the " Western 
Worldj^^ the chief object of which was to revive an old politi- 
cal controversy, that had been forgotten nearly twenty years 
The principal supporter of the controversy on one side wls 
Humphrey Marshall, who has since written the " History 
of Kentucky." He and his coadjutors endeavoured to 
show, that several of the most distinguished and papular 
men of the party which then supported Mr. Jefferson's ad- 
ministration, had been engaged in a criminal conspiracy to 
annex Kentucky to the dominions of Spain in North Ame- 
rica. Among the persons inculpated, were several of Mr. 
Clay's warmest and most intimate friends. It was while 
the community was yet indignant at the authors of these 
pretended disclosures of a former conspiracy, that Col. 
Burr was charged with a conspiracy of subsequent date, 
and, of course, he was regarded with the same general 
sympathj^, which had been extended to those implicated 
in the previous charge. He was considered a persecuted 
patriot. It was the prevalent opinion, that his arrest was 
prompted by the prejudices entertained against him by 
the district attorney, a passionate admirer of Col. Alexan- 
der Hamilton, whom Burr had killed in a duel. The pub- 
lick mind having been poisoned on the subject of conspira- 
cies and treasonable projects, it was strongly suspected, 



32 BIOGRAPHY OF 

that the district attorney was attempting to avail himself 
of this state of things to revenge the death of his idol upon 
Col. Burr. Mr. Clav and Col. John Allen, the council of 
the accused, partook of the sentiments and sympathies of 
the publick in respect to his innocence, and, when he sent 
them a large sum of money in anticipation of their services, 
they returned it to him, considering that it was improper 
to treat as an ordinary culprit a distinguished and perse- 
cuted stranger from a distant state, who had been eminent 
in the legal profession, and stood high in the national 
councils. Col. Burr was first brought before the federal 
court at Frankfort, and discharged. No presentment or 
mdictment was found against him, the district attorney 
not being prepared with the evidence, by which he expected 
to sustain the prosecution. Shortly afterward Col. B. was- 
again arrested on the same charge, but, in the interval, 
Mr. Clay had been chosen by the Kentucky legislature- 
a senator of the United States. This circumstance, pla- 
cing Mr. C. in a new relation to the general government, 
created some doubt in his mind as to the propriety of his 
undertaking the defence of a man accused of treason. To 
strengthen his'conviction, that there was no foundation for 
the prosecution, Colonel Burr, who was extremely anx- 
ious to obtain his professional aid, addressed a note to him, 
under date of December 1st, in which the following lan- 
guage was used. '• I have no design, nor have I taken 
any measure, to promote a dissolution of the Union, or a 
separation of any one or more states from the residue. I 
have neither published a line on this subject, nor has any 
one. through my agency or with my knowledge. I have 
no design to intermeddle with the government, or to dis- 
turb the tranquillity of the United States, or of its terri- 
tories, or any part of them. I have neither issued, nor 
signed, nor promised a commission to any person, for any 



HKNRY CLAY. 33 

purpose. I do not own a musket nor bayonet, nor any 
single article of military stores, nor does any person for 
me, by my authority or with my knowledge. My views 
have been fully explained to, and approved by, several of 
the principal officers of government, and, I believe, are 
well understood by die administration, and seen by it with 
complacency ; they are such as every man of honour, and 
every good citizen, must approve. Considering the high 
station you now fill in our national councils, I have 
thought these explanations proper, as well to counteract 
the chimerical tales, which malevolent persons have so in- 
dustriously circulated, as to satisfy you that you have not 
espoused the cause of a man in any way unfriendly to the 
laivs, the government, or the interests of his country,'^ 
Upon the reception of this note, Mr. Clay consented to 
appear again for Colonel Burr. The accused was brought 
before the court, and the district attorney submitted his in- 
dictment, and sent his evidence to the jury. After some 
deliberation, the jury returned the indictment not a true 
bill, and, at the same time, presented an address, in which 
they stated, that nothing had appeared in the evidence to 
justify the least apprehension of any design on the part 
of the accused to disturb the public tranquillity. This 
decision was in accordance with the wishes and opinions 
of the people. When the immense crowd, that was pre- 
sent in the capitol at Frankfort to witness the proceedings, 
heard the verdict, there was one general and tremendous 
burst of applause — a remarkable mcident, at that time, in 
Kentuck}'', and one which strongly evinced, the extent of 
popular feeling in Colonel Bun-'s behalf, even after his 
conduct had been partially investigated. A short time 
subsequent to this trial, Mr. Clay proceeded to the city of 
Washington, to take his seat in the Senate of the United 
States. On arriving there, and seeing the evidence which 



34 BIOGRAPHY OF 

nad been coll 3Cted by Mr. Jefferson, as to the guilt of 
Colonel Burr, especially a letter in cypher, which the lat- 
ter had transmitted by Colonel Samuel Swartwout, to the 
commander of the United States' army, containing a par- 
tial disclosure of his criminal projects, Mr. Clay became 
satisfied that the people of Kentucky and himself had 
been deceived as to his character. He gave a strong, 
and what, by some, may be regarded a harsh evidence of 
the deception which Colonel Burr had practised on him ; 
v/hen, in 1815, upon his meeting him, the first time 
after the trial, in the court room, in the city of New- 
York, he refused to receive Colonel B.'s hand, which was 
lendeied to him in the presence of the court and its at- 
tendants. 
t- This is a statement of all the intercourse ever held by 

Henry Clay with Aaron Burr. Why should it induce a 
suspicion of his integrity ? Burr was arraigned for crime 
— the constitution granted him the right to appear by 
counsel — and the honour of the profession demanded of 
Mr. Clay, convinced as he was of Mr. B.'s innocence, not 
to withhold his assistance in procuring him u fair trial. 
This he did in conjunction with Colonel Allen, as pure a 
patriot-hero as ever lived and died for his countr}^ ; — and 
yet, from these circumstances, political malice has not 
failed to argue, that Mr. Clay shared in the guilt of Burr's 
conspiracy. The shaft was aimed with a will sutliciently 
deadly — but it fell upon a breast of steel. The charge of 
treason, preferred against a man who has done more for 
his own country than any other living statesman, and 
whose voice has echoed be^'^ond her confines, and, with a 
tone of creative power, called other republics into being 
is like the other infamous calumnies that have been pro- 
pagated against the same illustrious individual, apd Uke 



HENRY CLAY. 35 

them, must soon be lost amid the lumber of forgotten 
thmgs. Such conspiracies, to ruin a patriot, can only 
end in the prostration of the conspirators. 

" He who, of old, would rend the oak, 
Dreamed not of the rebound." 

Mr. Clay's first appointment to the United States Senate 
took place, as has already been stated, in the latter part of 
1806. This appointment was not for a regular senato- 
rial term of six years, but merely for a single session, the 
residue of the term of General Adair, who had resigned 
his seat. The new senator proceeded to Washington, in 
December, 1806; and, by . a rather singular incident, 
learned, before his arrival at the capitol, what expectations 
had there been formed of him, with regard to a particu- 
lar measure, by which the senate was then agitated. A 
few miles from Washington, he met with a stranger from 
Georgetown, in the District of Columbia, who, without 
knowing either his name or station, incidentally informed 
him, in the course of a friendly colloquy, that, at the seat 
of government, there was one engrossing topic of conver- 
sation. This topic was the erection of a bridge over the 
Potomac river. The citizens of Washington and Alex- 
andria, according to the gentleman's statement, were zeal- 
ous in favour of the bridge, for the construction of which, 
they were endeavouring to obtain authority from congress ; 
but the people of Georgetown were strongly opposed to it, 
from the belief that it would materially injure, if it did 
not ruin, the prosperity of their city. Mr. Clay inquired 
of his companion, how the senate would probably decide 
the question. ''We have ascertained," replied the gen- 
tleman, ''how each of the old senators will vote — they 
are equally divided; but a new member, of the name of 



36 BIOGRAPHY OF 

Clay, is daily expected to take his seat; and, if he arrives 
before the question is put, it is said that he will certainly 
vote against the bridge, and decide the controversy in our 
favour." Mr. C- did not make himself known, but pro- 
ceeded to Washington, and found, on his arrival, that the 
statement which had been made to him, in relation to the 
condition of popular feeling, was not exaggerated. No- 
thing seemed to be thought of, either in or out of the 
senate, except the bridge. Mr. C. was a stranger; but he 
immediately found himself surrounded by the citizens of 
Georgetown, who made him the object of their warmest 
and most unremitted caresses. The motive which prompt- 
ed their peculiar attentions, could not be unknown to him ; 
but no allusion was made to it. Up to the time when the 
vote on the bridge bill was about to be taken, he had not 
given the slightest intimation of his opinions upon the 
subject. His first speech was upon that bill — an eloquent 
and much-praised effort, wherein he gave a powerful and 
triumphant vindication of the policy of authorizing the 
erection of the bridge. His speech was of far more value 
than his single vote, for he carried with him a majoritj^ of 
the members of the senate — all, in fact, who were not so 
far pledged by the assurances they had given to the peo- 
ple of Georgetown, as to feel that they had no longer the 
right of deciding for themselves. It must be gratifj'ing to 
the friends of Mr. Clay, to note, in the progress of his his- 
tory, the successive proofs that are constantly presented, 
of his undeviating consistency. Here, we see, that his 
first effort in the Congress of the United States, was in 
favour of a branch of Internal Improvcvienis — a system 
of policy, which owes more to his exertions than to those 
of any other man living; and which, unless checked by 
the pusillanimity or wickedness of men in power, will ul- 
timately advance the prosperity of our country, to a de- 



a HENRY CLAY. 37 

gree hitherto unattained, and almost undreamed of, by the 
mightiest nations of the old world. Mr. Clay's speech 
upon the bill, for a bridge over the Potomac, was never re- 
ported, but he is said to have alluded, with great causti- 
city and effect, to certain gentlemen, who had made an in- 
temperate opposition to the bill. Mr. Tracy, a senator 
from Connecticut, whose looks were sometimes more sage 
than his vvords, had delivered a haughty and insolent 
speech, reflecting, with unprovoked and unpardonable se- 
verity, upon the younger members of the senate, and ma- 
king a parade of extraordinary knowledge upon the ques- 
tion in debate. In hitting off the wise and knowing look 
w4th which he seemed to inspect the subject, Mr. Clay 
quoted, to the infinite merriment of the senate, the ludi- 
crous simile of Peter Pindar's magpie: 

" Thus have I seen a magpie in the street, 
" A chattering bird, we often meet ; 
" A bird for curiosity well known, 

" With head awry, 

" And cunning eye 
" Peep knowingly into a marrow-bone." 

So great was Mr. Tracy's m.ortification at finding himself 
thus roughly handled by a young, and comparatively un- 
known member, that his lips were hermetically sealed du- 
ring a great part of the remainder of the session. 

The most important question that was discussed in the 
senate, during this congressional session, related to the 
suspension oi^ the act of habeas corpus. The suspension 
was moved in order to give the executive the power of ar- 
resting Colonel Burr, if necessary, and keeping him in 
confinement, without being delayed by the dilatory opera- 
tions of law. On this subject Mr. Clay did not speak. 
Having recently been Colonel Burr's counsel, he deemed 

4 



38 BIOGRAPHY OF *. 

it unadvisable to take part in the discussion, and content- 
ed himself with giving his vote against the motion before 
the senate. The majority were opposed to him, and the 
suspension of the law was voted with great unanimity. 
Fortunately, however, the bill was lost in the lower house. 
The opposition that was made to it by the minority in the 
senate, did not result from any sympathy or respect for 
Aaron Burr, the depravity of whose character was now 
generally acknowledged, but from a patriotic regard for 
the supremacy of the laws. The law of habeas corpus 
is the ark of American liberty, and violent hands ought 
not to be laid upon it, in every slight or imaginary emer- 
gency. Though it may sometimes afford a temporary 
shelter to the guilty, we ought not, on that account, to 
endano-er the rights of the innocent, to whom it is a con- 

DO ' 

stant protection. We rejoice that the law in question has 
never been suspended in the whole history of the govern- 
ment. Its operations have been two or three times resist- 
ed by military chieftains, who fancied that measures thus 
arbitrary were demanded by the peculiar exigencies in 
which they were placed : but their conduct has already 
been the subject of protracted public discussions, and we 
would add nothing to what has been said of it. 

In the summer of 1807, Mr. Clay's term of service in 
the United States Senate having expired, he was again 
placed before the citizens of Fayette, as a candidate for 
the Kentucky legislature. Under ordinary circumstances, 
no aspirant would have dared to enter the lists with him ; 
but the fact of his having been the attorney of Colonel 
Burr, gave courage to the federalists, and emboldened 
them to bring out a candidate in opposition to him. Their 
whole hope of success depended on exciting against Mr. 
Clay a portion of the indignation that existed against 
Burr. Tli*^ attonnpt was wijree than futile. The shttrne- 



HENRY CLAY. 39 

less calumny fell crumbling from his name, like filth 
thrown by the hands of a clown against the pillars of a 
magnificent edifice. When the electors had assembled, he 
stood proudly up among them, and addressed them on the 
subject of his intercourse with Burr. His election was 
carried by a majority, which even he himself had never 
before received. After the delivery of his address, it 
would have been dangerous for any man to reiterate the 
lying charge against him. The people would not have 
endured it. As soon would they have suffered their fa- 
vourite " Commoner" to be charged with the crimes of all 
the individuals whom, in the course of his practice, he 
had consented to defend. 

In the course of the next session of the general assem- 
bly, Mr. Clay was chosen speaker, by a large majority, 
over a very popular rival. The duties of this office he 
discharged with the same fidelity and skill for which he 
was afterwards distinguished, while holding a similar of- 
fice in the Congress of the United States. Occasionally, 
too, he came down from his place, and took part in the 
fierce grapple of mind with mind. It was his good for- 
tune, in the course of the session, to prevent the whole 
system of the common law from being annihilated in the 
courts of Kentucky. A motion was made to prohibit the 
reading in court of any British decision, or elementary 
work on law. This motion was strongly supported by 
argument ; and more than four fifths of the members of 
the house evinced a determination to vote in favour of it 
Aside from other objections against the common law, it 
was argued, that the Americans, as an independent peo- 
ple, ought not to suflfer themselves to be governed, in the 
administration of justice, by the legal decisions of a fa- 
reign power. To obviate this consideration, Mr. Clay 
moved to amend the resolution before the house, by limits 



40 BIOGRAPHY OF 

ing- the exclusion of British decisions from Kentucky, to 
those only which have taken place since the fourth of 
July, 1776, the date of American independence, and suf- 
fering all, which preceded that period, to remain still in 
force. His reasons for this amendment were conclusive. 
Previous to the declaration of our independence, the Bri- 
tish and Americans were the same nation ; and the laws 
of the one people were those of the other. After a long 
and spirited contest, Mr. Clay prevailed. Notwithstand- 
ing the original popularity of the resolution which he 
opposed, it was lost, and his amendment adopted by a 
vote almost unanimous; and, consequently^ the binding 
authority of the great body of the common law still con- 
tinued to be acknowledged. This effort of Mr. Clay has 
justly been considered by himself and his friends as one of 
the greatest intellectual achievements of his life. The 
prejudices of the multitude against the common law are 
almost universal ; and, at the time of which we have spo- 
ken, they existed in the Kentucky legislature in all their 
strength. The common people have heard, that this law, 
consisting, as it does, of all the reported decisions of the 
British courts, fills hundreds of volumes, and they do not 
readily comprehend how the men of the present day can 
become acquainted with it, and, much less, give it a practi- 
cal application in this country. They are apt to look 
upon it as a mere shapeless mass of incongruities and ab- 
surdities, that has been accumulating for years and centu- 
ries. They imagine that it is half made up of frivolous 
precepts, and ludicrous distinctions, which have no better 
effect than to set common sense and common justice at 
naught, by the conviction of the innocent, and the dis- 
charge of the guilty. They are not aware that the com- 
mon law is the embodied wisdom of ages, and that, al- 
though it may appear irregular at first view, it will be 



HENRY CLAY. 4'J 

seerr, when viewed in the Hght of a few plain principles, 
to be a system of unrivalled symmetry, beauty, and mag- 
nificence. They do not know, that its fundamental rules 
are so simple and well established, that the most unletter- 
ed can readily learn them, but suppose, that the whole sys- 
tem, ancient and mighty as it is, might advantageously 
give place to a few hast}'' statutes devised by the discord- 
ant spirits of a state legislature. It was against such pre- 
judices and such misapprehensions, that Mr. Clay was 
obliged to contend, and he did it with a power of argu- 
ment and eloquence, that almost surprised himself He 
did not " check his strength in mid volley" — the whole 
was put forth, for the time demanded it. In portraj'-ing 
that spirit of vandalism, which mocks at the wisdom of 
the " world's gray fathers," and would wantonlj^ make 
wreck of a system fraught with the intellectual wealth of 
centuries, and whelm its last fragment beneath the wave, 
Mr. C. was great beyond expression. A gentleman, w^ho 
was in the lobby of the house, and who has since risen to 
distinction, has averred, that all his subsequent ideas of 
perfect eloquence have been formed upon that one model. 
It surpassed any thing which he has since heard or had 
before conceived. Every muscle of the orator's face was 
at work, his whole bodj'^ seemed agitated, as if each part 
were instinct with a separate life, and his small whits 
hand, with its blue veins apparently distended almost to 
bursting, moved gracefully, but with all the energy of 
rapid and vehement gesture. The appearance of the 
speaker seemed that of a pure intellect wrought up to its 
mightiest energies, and brightly glowing through the thin 
and transparent veil of flesh that enrobed it. Our inform- 
ant represents himself as having gazed upon the orator, and 
listened to his moving and impetuous eloquence, till he 
half lost his sense of individual existence, and, on the first 

4* 



42 BIOGRAPHY OF 

return of perfect consciousness, he found that tears, la 
spite of his manhood, were streaming down his cheeks. 
Ashamed of his weakness, and unaware that nearly the 
whole audience was in the same situation with himself, 
he dried his tears, and, with feelings partially indurated 
by resolution, again gave his attention to the speaker. In 
a few moments, he found that the waters of emotion had 
gushed out anew from their fountain, and he now suffered 
them to flow uncontrolled, for he saw that he wept not 
alone. This great effort of Mr. Clay was materially dif- 
ferent from those of more modern date. It was probably 
accompanied by a degree of physical exertion, wliich^ in 
his recent condition of bodily debility, he would have been 
unable to endure even for a short period of time. 

In the year 1 808, Humphrey Marshall, a gentleman of 
whom we have already made mention, became a member 
of the legislature of Kentucky. He was, at that time, a 
man of strong mind and extensive information, but a bit- 
ter federalist, and an unwe- ried opponent of Mr. Clay. 
Mr. Marshall had repeatedly assailed Mr. C. and his 
friends in the newspapers, and, as a natural consequence, 
their political hostility was turned to personal hatred. 
Both now being members of the legislature, there appear- 
ed to be a willingness on the part of the other members, 
to bring them into direct collision. To this end, several 
gentlemen declined voting for Mr. C.'s reappointment to 
the office of speaker, knowing that, if he were in the 
speaker's chair, he would not have an opportunity of meet- 
ing his antagonist without restraint. During the first 
weeks of the session. Clay and Marshall frequently met 
each other in debate, and the former was uniformly victo- 
rious, being, in fact, incomparably superior, in all respects, 
to his antagonist. At length, Mr. C. brought a resolution 
before the house, that each member, for the purpose of en- 



HENRY CLAY, 43 

oouraging the industry of the country, should clothe him- 
self in garments of domestick manufacture. This resolu- 
tion called into exercise all Mr. Marshall's talents of vitu- 
peration. He denounced it as the project of a demagog-ue, 
and applied a variety of epithets to its author, which no 
parliamentary rules could justifj^ Mr. Clay^s language 
in reply, was probably of a harsh character, and the quar- 
rel proceeded from one stage to another, till, according to 
the laws of honour, which every Kentuckian of that day 
was taught to reverence, no alternative remained to Mr. 
Clay, and he was required to challenge his antagonist. 
The challenge was accepted-. The parties met, and the 
first shot was exchanged without other effect than a slight 
wound to Mr. Marshall. On the second or third trial, 
Mr. Marshall's ball gave Mr. Clay a slight fiesh-v/ound 
in the leg, and the seconds now interfered, and prevented 
a continuance of the combat. It is the legitimate province 
of the biographer to state facts, and not to apologize for 
error. We believe that duelling, in all its forms, should be 
reprobated. We have no doubt, that Mr. Clay erred in 
this affair v/ith Mr. Marshall, and it is said, that he him- 
self looks back lo the incident with disapprobation and 
regret; but to Mr. C.'s admirers, there is much consola- 
tion in the fact, that the quarrel which led to the catas- 
trophe, had its origin in his devotion to the policy of en- 
couraging domestick manufactures — a policy which, 
through the influence of his subsequent exertions, has 
done so much for the prosperity of the nation. Of his per- 
sonal courage, no one ever entertained a doubt. It is said 
of him, that the eye v/ith which he meets an opponent in 
debate, is not more unquailing than that with which he 
gives back the glance of a foe in the field of single com- 
bat. His is a spirit that knows not to bow down or trem- 



44 BIOGRAPHY OF 

ble in the presence of an enemy, whatever maj be the 
cliaracter under which that enemy presents himself. 

A measure which Mr. C. carried through the house of 
representatives, in 1809, is deserving of particuU\r notice, 
on account of the important principle involved in it. At 
the August election, the citizens of Hardin county, who 
were entitled to two representatives in the general assem- 
bly, had given 436 votes for Charles Helm, 350 for Samuel 
Haycraft, and 271 for John Thomas. Mr. Haycraft, at 
the time of the election, was an assistant judge of the 
circuit court of Hardin, and he did not resign the office 
till some weeks afterward. The 26th section of the se- 
cond article of the Kentucky constitution provides, that 
those who hold or exercise any office of profit under the 
commonwealth, shall be ineligible to a seat in the general 
assembly. Under these circumstances, Mr. Clay moved 
to inquire, whether Mr. Haycraft was entitled to a seat, 
and, if not, whether Mr. Thomas was entitled to it. The 
case was not unlike that of Mr. Wilkes, which excited 
much discussion in England in the days of Junius. The 
latter case is perhaps familiar to the public. Mr. Wilkes, 
a member of the house of commons, having become ob- 
noxious to the ministerial party, was expelled from the 
house for causes which were considered as constituting a 
tlisqualification for a seat. In spite of this decision of the 
house, the citizens of Westminster determined to re-elect 
him. The ministry, on learning this determination, se- 
cretly procured a candidate to be put up in opposition to 
him. A few votes were given for the opposition candi- 
date, but Mr. Wilkes was re-elected by a great majorit}^ 
When, however, Mr. W. again presented himself before 
the house, his case came up for consideration, and the 
ministeriul party, who constituted a majority of the com- 
mons, decided that, inasmuch as he was ineligible at tl>e 



HENRY CLAY. 45 

time of the election, the votes that had been given for him 
were void to all intents and purposes, and could neither 
entitle him to a seat, nor affect the votes given for the 
opposing" candidate. By this decision, they not only ex 
eluded Mr. Wilkes from the commons, but gave his place 
to his competitor. In the analogous case, to which we 
have alluded, as having occurred in the Kentucky legis- 
lature, Mr. Cki}^, who had instituted the investigation, was 
chairman of the committee appointed to make a report. 
This report we have found among the legislative records 
at Frankfort, and the principles it contains are so sound, 
and of such universal application, that we have thought 
proper to make an extract from it. It was drawn up by 
Mr. C, and adopted unanimously, and its doctrines have, 
ever since, governed the Kentucky elections. The follow- 
ing are the most important parts of the report. 

" The principle of separating, and preserving distinct, 
the great powers of government, ought rather to be en- 
larged than circumscribed. But this case is not one in 
which we have to resort to construction. On the contra- 
ry, we have clear and explicit injunctions to guide us. 
The fact being ascertained, that Mr. Haycraft held an of- 
fice of profit under the commonwealth, at the timxC of the 
election, the constitutional disqualification attaches and 
excludes him — he was ineligible, and therefore cannot be 
entitled to his seat." 

" It remains to inquire into the pretensions of Mr. 
Thomas. His claim can only be supported by a total re- 
jection of the votes given to Mr. Haycraft, as void to all 
intents whatever. It is not ptetended, that they were 
given by persons not qualified according to the constitu- 
tion; and consequently, if rejected, it must be, not for 
any inherent objection in themselves, but because they have 
been bestowed in a manner forbidden by the constitution. 



46 BIOGRAPHY OP 

or laws. By an act passed 18th December, 1800, it is re- 
quired, that persons holding offices incompatible with a 
seat in the legislature, shall resign them before thej are 
voted for ; and it is provided, that all votes given to any 
such person, prior to such resignation, shall be utterly void." 

" This act, when applied to the case in question, per- 
haps admits of the construction, that the votes given to 
Mr. Haycraft, though void and ineffectual in creating any 
right in him to a seat in this house, cannot affect, in any 
manner, the situation of his competitor. Any other expo- 
sition of it is, in the opinion of j^our committee, wholly in- 
consistent with the constitution, and would be extremely 
dangerous in practice. It would be subversive of the 
great principle of free government, that the majority shall 
prevail. It would operate as a deception of the people ; 
for it cannot be doubted, that the votes given to Mr. Hay- 
craft, were bestowed upon a full persuasion, that he had a 
right to receive them. And it would infringe the right of 
this house, guaranteed by the constitution, to judge of the 
qualifications of its members. It would, in fact, be a de- 
claration, that disquahfication produces qualification — that 
the incapacity of one man capacitates another to hold a 
seat in this house. Your committee are, therefore, unani- 
mously and decidedly of opinion, that neither of the gen- 
tlemen 13 entitled to a seat." 

Mr. Thruston, who was chosen a United States' sena- 
tor in 1804, had now resigned his seat, leaving his con- 
stituents to appoint some other gentleman to serve out the 
two last years of his term. Mr. Clay was, in all respects, 
the most prominent candidate. The members of the legis- 
lature were so well pleased with the ability which he had 
displayed in the senate in 1807, as well as in their own 
body during the last six years, that they gave him the 
seaX of Mr. Thruston, by a vote of two to one. Here his 



HENRY CLAY. 47 

sei'vices in the legislature ceased — he was never afterwards 
a member of it. His whole career, while connected with 
that body, had been one continued train of brilliancy. 
While reviewing the records, we have been surprised, that 
a single mind should have been capable of accomplishing 
so much. He appears to have been the one pervading 
spirit of the whole bodj^ He never came to the debates 
but with the knowledge necessary to a perfect elucidation 
of his subject, and he always had the power of making his 
knowledge so practical, and lighting it so brightly up with 
the fire of eloquence and the living soul of intellect, that 
without resorting to the arts of insidiousness, he could ge- 
nerally control the movements of the legislature at will. 
His was not an undue influence — it was the simple as- 
cendancy of mind over mind. The bills, which origina- 
ted with him, instead of being characterised by the eccen- 
tricities and ambitious innovations, which are too often 
visible in the career of young men of genius suddenly 
elevated to power and influence, were remarkable only for 
their plain common sense, and their tendency to advance 
the substantial interests of the state. Though he carried 
his plans into effect by the aid of the magical incantations 
of the orator, he always conceived them with the coolness 
and discretion of a philosopher. No subject was so great 
as to baffle his powers — none so minute as to elude them. He 
could handle the telescope and the microscope with equal 
skill. In him the haughty demagogues of the legislature 
found an antagonist, who never failed to foil them in their 
bold projects, and the intriguers of lower degree were baffled 
with equal certainty, whenever they attempted to get any 
petty measure through the house, for their own personal 
gratification, or that of their friends. The people, there- 
fore, justly regarded him as emphatically their own. 



48 BIOGRAPHY OF 



SECTION THIRD. 

Mr. Clay took his seat, for the second time, in the 
senate of the United States, in the winter of 1809 — 10. 
His ^rst speech at Washington in 1807, it will be recol- 
lected, was in support of a measure involving the princi- 
ple of internal improvements — and his first effort at the 
present time was in favour of the encouragement of do- 
mestick manufactures, a policy which he had previously 
supported in the legislature of his own state. The pros- 
perity of these two systems of policy has become so entire- 
ly identified with his name and influence, that his fellow- 
citizens will be gratified to learn the early date, at which 
he expressed his devotion to them. 

At the period of which we are speaking, impost duties 
can scarcely be said to have ever been laid upon articles' 
of foreign growth and manufacture, for any other purpose 
*"' than that of raising a revenue. There was now, however, 
a prospect of war with Great Britain, and, of course, our 
statesmen began to anticipate the possibility of our being 
partially thrown upon our own resources for the produc- 
tion of those articles which we had been accustomed to 
receive from British ports. In this condition of things, a 
bill to appropriate a sum of money for procuring supplies 
of cordage, sail-cloth, and other munitions of war, came 
before the senate, and an amendment was proposed, that 
preference should be given to articles of American growth 
and manufacture, whenever it could be done without ma- 
terial detriment to the public service. A senator from 
Massachusetts made a strong opposition to the amendment, 
and, in the remarks that folloAved, the general policy of 
fostering manufactures in this country became the main 



HENRY CLAY. 49 

topic of discussion. The system being new, and its ef- 
fects not having been practically developed among us, its 
friends and enemies could meet each other only by rea- 
soning from first principles, and pointing out the conse- 
quences to which it had led in other countries. Those 
members of the senate who were opposed to domestick 
manufactures, drew a dark and revolting picture of the 
squalidity and wretchedness of the inhabitants of Man- 
chester, Birmingham, and the other manufacturing ci.ties of 
Great Britain, and argued, that the introduction of the 
system of manufactures into this country would be attend- 
ed with similar consequences. In reply to this considera- 
tion, Mr. Clay designated, with great force and clearness, 
what ought to be the policy of the United States. Great 
Britain, he justly remarked, has been the manufacturer of 
a large portion of the world. If, in this respect, we were 
to follow her example, our manufacturing districts would 
exhibit, in process of time, the same appearance as hers ; 
but, Mr. Clay contended, that, if we were to limit our ef- 
forts by our own wants, the evils which were apprehended 
would be found wholly chimerical. Agriculture he ac- 
knowledged to be the first and greatest source of "national 
wealth and happiness. He expressed a desire, that the 
exports of the country might continue to be the surplus 
productions of tillage, and not of manufacturing establish- 
ments — he did not wish that the plough-share and the 
sickle should be converted into the spindle and the shut- 
tle — but he held it desirable, that we should furnish our- 
selves with clothing made by our own industry, and no 
longer be dependant, for our very coats, upon a country 
which was then an envious rival, and might soon be an 
enemy. " A judicious American farmer, in the tiousehold 
way," said he, " manufactures whatever is requisite for 
his family. He squanders but little in the gewgaws of 

5 



50 BIOGRAPHY OF 

Europe. He presents in epitome what the nation ought 
to be in extenso. Their manufactures should bear the 
same proportion, and effect the same object in relation to 
the whole community, which the part of his household, 
employed in domestick manufacturing, bears to the whole 
family." 

Mr. Clay thought, and justly too, that whatever doubt 
might be entertained as to the general policy of encoura- 
ging domestick manufactures by bounties or impost duties, 
none could possibly exist, in any candid and rational mind, 
with regard to the propriety of adopting the requisite mea.- 
sures for producing among ourselves such articles as are 
indispensable in time of war. His arguments on this 
point need no recapitulation. His speech contained scarce 
a single effort at eloquence — it was distinguished exclu- 
sively by clear, profound, and philosophical views of na- 
tional policy, set forth strongly and dispassionately. 
Nor did it fall to the ground. The bill, as advocated by 
him, passed the senate, and its beneficial effects soon be- 
came evident. The officers of government succeeded in 
making advantageous contracts, for the munitions of war, 
with the capitalists of the United States, and, although in 
the contest that soon followed, the nation's resources were 
unequal to its wants, we were saved from that state of ut- 
ter deprivation, to which we should have been subjected, 
had our reliance been exclusively on foreign countries. 
The system of home manufactures was here nurtured into 
life, and it has since flourished in beauty and strength, and 
myriads of happy and industrious freemen are now rejoicing 
in its grateful influence. 

In the course of the same year, 1810, a question was 
brought before the senate upon the subject of the claims 
of the United States to the territory lying between the 
rivers Mississippi and Perdido, and comprising the greater 



HENRY CLAY. 51 

part of West Florida. The question came up in this way. 
The inhabitants of the territory, particularly in the dis- 
tricts of Baton Rouge and Feliciana, had revolted against 
the Spanish authority, which was nominally exercised 
over them. It was reported, too, that emissaries of the 
king of England were among the people, intriguing with 
the view of inducing them to come under British domina- 
tion, and a thousand circumstances gave evidence, that, if 
nothing were done on the part of our government, the dis- 
affected citizens of Baton Rouge and its adjacent districts 
would either declare themselves independent, or accede to 
the proposals of the British agents — thus giving a power- 
ful nation a place upon our very borders. In this emergen- 
cy, Mr. Madison, then president of the United States, is- 
sued his proclamation, declaring West Florida annexed to 
the Orleans territory, and subject to the laws of the United 
States. This was, in fact, taking possession of the coun- 
try, and the question consequently arose in congress^ 
whether Mr. Madison had acted within his legitimate au- 
thority. This question involved the title to the land in 
dispute. The federal party, who constituted the opposi- 
tion to Mr. M.'s administration, contended, that the terri- 
tory belonged to Spain, and Mr. Clay argued, at great 
length, that the title was clearly in the United States. 

This speech of Mr. C. is one of the best specimens of 
close investigation, and severe, unadorned argument, that 
can be found in the annals of any parliamentary body. It 
must have required the most rigorous attention on the part 
of the senate, to follow him in his demonstrations and in- 
ferences. He went into a minute history of the disputed 
territory, applied the law of nations to the circumstances 
of its discovery and settlement, noted each legal transfer 
from power to power, and shewed, that it belonged origi- 
nally to the French, who ceded it to Spain in 1762, that 



52 BIOGRAPHY OF 

Spain made a retrocession of it to France in 1800 by the 
ti'eaty of St. Ildefonso, and that the United States pur- 
chased it from the French government as apart of Louisia- 
na in 1803, Having shewn an indisputable title in the 
United States to the territory of West Florida, he proceed- 
ed to recite an act of congress passed in 1803, whereby 
the president was expressly empowered to occupy the lands 
ceded to us by France, and establish a provisional govern- 
ment over them. 

Mr. Clay justified Mr. Madison by other considerations. 
Even supposing that to be true, which he had proved un- 
true — admitting the claim of the opposition, that the title 
of West Florida had never passed out of the hands of 
Spain, he contended, that, under the circumstances which 
existed in 1810, the United States government had still a 
right to take possession of it. The reason was obvious.. 
Whether Spain did or did not retain the legal title to the 
territory, one point was sufficiently clear, she had not the 
power to make the inhabitants submit to her authority. 
She was, at that time, pressed on all sides by a powerful 
enemy, whom it required her concentrated energies to 
withstand. She could no more quell the distractions and 
the anarchy that prevailed throughout a portion of West 
Florida, than she could rule the whirlwind. If Britain, 
01' some other nation disposed to injure us, should take ad- 
vantage of these circumstances, and obtain a foothold upon 
our southern frontier, she would have the power to annoy 
us in the exercise of our rights, and endanger the very ex- 
istence of our union. The commerce of the whole extent 
of country, that is drained by the Mississippi and its tribu- 
taries — an extent comprising three fourths of the whole ter- 
ritory of the United States — would be at the enemy's mer- 
cy. The possession of West Florida — that part of it es- 
pecially between the Mississippi and the Perdido — h» 



HENRY CLAT. 5^ 

showed to be indispensable to the free navigation of those 
streams. It was the lever by which nearly ihe whole con- 
tinent of North America might be shaken. Thus situated, 
Mr. C. claimed, that, upon the eternal principle of self- 
preservation — a principle that knows no limitation to tim« 
or place — we had a right to extend our laws over the dis- 
puted territory. 

The opposition suggested, that Great Britain was the 
ally of Spain, and might feel herself obliged, by her con- 
nexion with that country, to take part with her against us, 
and to consider the proclamation of our president as justi- 
fying an appeal to arms. " Sir," said Mr. Clay, " is the 
time never to arrive, when we may manage our own af- 
fairs, without the fear of insulting his Britannic majesty ? 
Is the rod of British power to be forever suspended over l|p- 
our heads ? Does congress put on an embargo to shelter 
our rightful commerce against the piratical depredations 
committed upon it on the ocean? We are immediately 
warned of the indignation of offended England. Is a law 
of non-intercourse proposed ? The whole navy of the 
haughty mistress of the seas is made to thunder in our 
ears. Does the president refuse to continue a correspond- 
ence with a minister, who violates the decorum belonging 
to his diplomatic character, by giving and deliberately re- 
peating an affront to the whole nation ? We are instant- 
ly menaced with the chastisement which English pride 
will not fail to inflict. Whether we assert our rights by 
sea, or attempt their maintenance by land — whithersoever 
we turn ourselves, this phantom incessantly pursues us. 
Already has it had too much influence on the councils of 
the nation. It contributed to the repeal of the embargo — 
that dishonourable repeal, which has so much tarnished 
the character of our government. Mr. President, I have 
before said on this floor, and now take occasion to repeat 

5* 



54 BIOGRAPHY OF 

the remark, that I most sincerely desire peace and amity 
with England ; that I even prefer an adjustment of all dif- 
ferences with her, before one with any other nation. But 
if she persists in a denial of justice to us, or if she avails 
herself of the occupation of West Florida to commence 
war upon us, I trust and hope, that all hearts will unite in 
a bold and vigorous vindication of our rights." 

Mr. Clay's speech upon the Florida title was not de- 
signed for a brilliant or impassioned effort. The orator 
attempted nothing but to set before the senate an irresisti- 
ble array of fact and argument, and what he attempted he 
accomplished. He aimed at speaking like a man of sense 
and judgement, who had investigated his subject with un- 
wearied diligence. Whenever he pleased, he could seem 
to rise aloft like Milton's warring angels, and do battle in 
the air with ethereal weapons ; but he proved, on this oc- 
casion, as he had done on many others, that he could, with 
equal skill, fight, like an earthly giant, with mace and 
buckler, upon the plain. After listening to his arguments, 
some of the warmest opponents of the measure which he 
had vindicated, had the candour to acknowledge their er- 
ror, and, taking him cordially by the hand, expressed their 
determination to go with him in the final vote. They did 
so, and the proclamation of the president was approved. 
Had there been, at that time, in the senate, no democratic 
champion like Mr. Clay — one who could stand up among 
the tall and fierce spirits of faction to vindicate the rights 
of our country, and utter a solemn warning in the ears of 
those who would wantonly throw the key of her strength 
into the hands of an enemy, it is difficult to say how im- 
minently dangerous might have been the present condition 
of the republic. 

Mr. Clay's next considerable effort in the senate was 
made in the following year, 1811, upon the question of 



HENRY CLAY. 55 

renewing the charter of the old bank of the United States. 
He had been instructed by the legislature of Kentucky to 
oppose the renewal, but he would have contented himself 
with giving a silent vote against it, had he not been inci- 
ted to a more active opposition by the language of defiance 
which fell from the lips of the opposite party. The re- 
newal of the charter was advocated by the whole body of 
the federalists, whom Mr. Clay denominated the " Mace- 
donian phalanx," and Mr. William H. Crawford, and one 
or two other democrats, had, on this question, united with 
the opposition. Mr. Pope too, the colleague of Mr. Clay, 
made a long and able speech in favour of the bank, in di- 
rect violation of the instructions of the legislature. The 
strength thus arrayed against Mr. Clay, might have in- 
timidated an ordinary man, but he had learned his own 
powers too well to think, for a moment, of shrinking from 
the encounter. 

Mr. C.'s remarks against the bank were principally 
confined to the subject of its unconstitutionality. His ar- 
gument on this point was so replete with keen and pow- 
erful logic, that we choose to transfer it to our pages in his 
own words. Nothing equal to it can be found in any of 
the numerous discussions which the bank question has 
called forth. He seemed to hold the strength of his an- 
tagonists in the hollow of his hands. 

" This vagrant power to erect a bank, after having 
wandered throughout the whole constitution in quest of 
some congenial spot to fasten upon, has been, at length, 
located by the gentleman from Georgia on that provision 
which authorizes congress to lay and collect taxes. Jn 
1791, the power is referred to one part of the instrument; 
in 1811, to another. Sometimes it is alleged tobededuci- 
ble from the power to regulate commerce. Hard pressed 



56 BIOGRAPHY OF 

here, it disappears, and shews itself under the grant to 
coin money. 

^ What is the nature of this government ? It is en> 
phatically federal, vested with an aggregate of specified 
powers for general purposes, conceded by existing sove- 
reignties, who have themselves retained what is not so 
conceded. It is said, that there are cases in which it 
must act on implied powers. This is not controverted, 
but the implication must be necessary, and obviously flow 
from the enumerated power with which it is allied. The 
power to charter companies is not specified in the grant, 
and, I contend, is of a nature not transferable by mere im- 
plication. It is one of the most exalted acts of sovereign- 
ty. In the exercise of this gigantic power, we have seen 
an East India Company erected, which has carried dis- 
may, desolation, and death, throughout one of the largest 
portions of the habitable world. A company which is, in 
itself, a sovereignty — which has subverted empires, and set 
up new dynasties — and has not only made war, but war 
agamst its legitimate sovereign ! Under the influence of 
this power, we have seen arise a South Sea Company and 
a Mississippi Company, that distracted and convulsed all 
Europe, and menaced a total overthrow of all credit and 
confidence, and universal bankruptcy. Is it to be ima- 
gined, that a power so vast would have been left by the 
constitution to doubtful inference? It has been alleged, 
that there are manv instances in the constitution, where 
powers, in their nature incidental, and which would ne- 
cessarily have been vested along with the principal, are 
nevertheless expressly enumerated ; and the power to make 
mles and regulations for the government of the land and 
naval forces, which, it is said, is incidental to the power to 
raise armies and provide a nary, is given as an example. 
What does this prove ? How extremely cautious the con- 



HENRY CLAY. 57 

vention were to leave as little as possible to implication. 
In all cases where incidental powers are acted upon, the 
principal and incidental ought to be congenial with each 
other, and partake of a common nature. The incidental 
power ought to be strictly subordinate and limited to the 
end proposed to be attained by the specified power. In 
other words, under the name of accomplishing one object, 
which is specified, the power implied ought not to be made 
to embrace other objects, which are not specified in the con- 
stitution. If, then, as is contended, you could establish a 
bank to collect and distribute the revenue, it ought to be 
expressly restricted to the purpose of such collection and 
distribution. It is mockery, worse than usurpation, to 
establish it for a lawful object, and then to extend it to 
other objects, which are not lawful. In deducing the power 
to create corporations, such as I have described it, from 
the power to collect taxes, the relation and condition of 
principal and incident are prostrated and destroyed. The 
accessory is exalted above the principal. As well might 
it be said, that the great luminary of day is an accessory,. 
a satellite to the humblest star that twinkles forth its feeble 
light in the firmament of heaven. 

" Suppose the constitution had been silent as to an in- 
dividual department of this government — could you, under 
the power to lay and collect taxes, establish a judiciary? 
I presume not ; but, if you could derive the power by mere 
implication, could you vest it with any other authority 
than to enforce the collection of the revenue ? A bank is 
made for the ostensible purpose of aiding in the collection 
of the revenue, and, whilst it is engaged in this, the most 
inferior and subordinate of all its functions, it is made to 
diflfuse itself throughout society, and to influence all the 
great operations of credit, circulation, and commerce. 
Like the Virginia justice, you tell the man,, whose turkej;r 



^8 BIOGRAPHY OF 

had been stolen, that your books of precedents furnish no 
form for his case, but then yon will grant him a precept to 
search for a cow, and, wnen looking for that, he may pos- 
sibly find his turkey! You say to this corporation, we 
cannot authorize you to discount — to emit paper — to regu- 
late commerce — no ! our book has no precedents of that 
kind. But then we can authorize you to collect the re- 
venue, and, whilst occupied with that, you may do what- 
ever else you please." 

" What is a corporation, such as the bill contemplates ? 
It is a splendid association of favoured individuals, taken 
from the mass of society, and invested with exemptions, 
and surrounded by immunities and privileges. The ho- 
nourable gentleman from Massachusetts has said, that the 
original law, establishing the bank, was justly liable to 
the objection of vesting in that institution an exclusive 
privilege, the faith of the government being pledged, that 
no other bank should be authorized during its existence. 
This objection, he supposes, is obviated by the bill under 
consideration ; but all corporations enjoy exclusive privi- 
leges — that is, the corporators have privileges, which no 
others possess ; if you create fifty corporations instead of 
one, you have only fifty privileged bodies instead of one. 
, 1 contend, that the states have the exclusive power to re- 
gulate contracts, to declare the capacities and incapacities 
to contract, and to provide as to the extent of the responsi- 
bility of debtors to their creditors. If congress have the 
power to erect an artificial body, and say it shall be en- 
dowed with the attributes of an individual — if you can 
bestow on this object of your own creation the ability to 
contract, may you not, in contravention of state rights, 
confer upon slaves, infants, and femes covert, the ability to 
contract ? And if you have the power to say, that an a^ 
sociation of individuals shall be responsible for their debts 



HENRY CLAY. 59 

onlj in a certain limited degree, what is to prevent an ex- 
tension of a similar exemption to individuals ? Where is 
the limitation upon this power to set up corporations? 
You establish one in the heart of a state, the basis of whose 
capital is money. You may erect others, whose capital 
shall consist of land, slaves, and personal estates, and thus 
the whole property within the jurisdiction of a state might 
be absorbed by these political bodies. The existing bank 
contends, that it is beyond the powers of a state to tax it, 
and, if this pretension be well founded, it is in the power 
of congress, by chartering companies, to dry up all the 
sources of state revenue. Georgia has undertaken, it is 
true, to levy a tax on the branch within her jurisdiction; 
but this law, now under a course of litigation, is considered 
invalid. The United States own a great deal of land in 
tlie state of Ohio ; can this government, for the purpose of 
creating an ability to purchase it, charter a company ? 
Aliens are forbidden, in that state, to hold land — could 
you, in order to multiply purchasers, confer upon them the 
capacity to hold land, in derogation of the local law? 
I imagine this will hardly be insisted on ; and yet ther^ 
exists a more obvious connexion between the undoubted 
power which is possessed by this government to sell its 
land, and the means of executing that power by increas- 
ing the demand in the market, than there is between 
this bank and the collection of a tax. This government 
has the power to levy taxes, to raise armies, provide 
munitions, make war, regulate commerce, coin money, &c. 
&c. It would not be difficult to show as intimate a con- 
nexion between a corporation established for any purpose 
whatever, and some one or other of those great powers, 
as there is between the revenue and the bank of the United 
States." 

At the time Mr. Clay delivered this speech, the greatest 



CO BIOGRAPHY OF 

part of the capital of the United States bank was owned 
by inhabitants of Great Britain, and there was no securi- 
ty against its being perverted to evil purposes. The dan- 
gers to be apprehended from this condition of the institu- 
tion were strongly portrayed in the following remarks : 

" The power of a nation is said to consist in the sword 
and the purse. Perhaps, at last, all power is resolvable 
into that of the purse, for, with it, you may command al- 
most every thing else. The specie circulation of the Uni- 
ted States is estimated by some calculators at ten millions 
of dollars, and, if it be no more, one moiety is in the vaults 
of this bank. May not the time arrive when the concen- 
tration of such a vast portion of the circulating medium 
of the country in the hands of any corporation, will be 
dangerous to our liberties ? By whom is this immense 
power wielded? By a body who, in derogation of the 
great principle of all our institutions, responsibility to the 
people, is amenable only to a few stockholders, and they 
chiefly foreigners. Suppose an attempt to subvert this 
government — would not the traitor first aim, by force or 
corruption, to acquire the treasure of this company? 
Look at it in another aspect. Seven tenths of its capital 
are in the hands of foreigners, and these foreigners chiefly 
English subjects. We are possibly on the eve of a rupture 
with that nation. Should such an event occur, do you 
apprehend, that the English Premier would experience 
any difficulty in obtaining the entire control of this in- 
stitution ? Republics, above all other governments, ought 
most seriously to guard against foreign influence. All 
history proves, that the internal dissensions excited by 
foreign intrigue, have produced the downfall of almost 
every free government that has hitherto existed ; and yet, 
gentlemen contend that we are benefitted by the possea- 
sion of this foreign capital!" 



HENRY CLAY. 6] 

The effect of these and other arguments, used by Mr. 
Clay, was so powerful, that notwithstanding the confi- 
dence with which his opponents had entered upon the 
discussion, he was sustained bj the final vote, and the 
bank charter was not renewed. It was a signal victory. 

There were many other earnest discussions in the 
senate in 1811, and in nearly all of them the orator of 
Kentucky took a foremost stand, in vindication of the con- 
stitution and the rights of the people ; but our limits will 
not permit us to dwell in detail upon his exertions. We 
must necessarily be content with giving a rapid and im- 
perfect sketch of his history, leaving the more voluminous 
biographer to do full justice to his merits. 



62 BIOGRAPHY OP 



PART SECOND. 

SECTION FIRST. 

In the summer of 1811, Mr. Clay having returned to 
Kentucky, was elected a member of the national House 
of Representatives. At the opening of the next congres- 
sional session, he took his seat; and it is a very remarka- 
ble fact, that on the first day of his o^v'pearance in the house, 
he loas appoijited speaker, hy a vote of nearly two to one 
over iivo opposing candidates. Such an event has never 
occurred in the history of any other individual, and,' in all 
probability, will never occur again. In the case of Mr. 
Clay, there were several peculiar circumstances that re- 
commended him strongly to the members of the house — 
thus enabling him to seize, at once, as the prerogative of 
intellectual power, what had been bestowed on others as the 
meed of age and experience. He was known to have held 
the office of speaker in the legislature of Kentucky, and 
to have discharged its duties with great efficiency. His 
short but splendid career in the senate, had also elicited 
universal admiration. It has been said, too, that many 
members of the house gave him their votes, with the view 
of imposing a check upon the language and conduct of 
one of their turbulent spirits — Mr. John Randolph, of 
Virginia, who, for several years, had been habitually guilty 
of the grossest outrages upon order and decorum. This 
gentleman had become excessively troublesome in the 
house. An aristocrat by education and habit, he deemed 
parliamentary rules the trammels of ignoble minds, and 
disdained to be governed by any laws, save those of his 
own caprice. Mr. Macon and Mr. Varnum had occupied 



HENRY CLAY. 63 

the speaker's chair; but neither of these gentlemen was 
ever accustomed to exercise his authority in restraining- 
Mr. Randolph's conduct within the rules of order. Mr. 
Macon indulged him from feelings of political and p&c- 
sonal friendship ; and Mr. Varnum, from the dread of his 
keen and malignant sarcasm, against which the sacredness 
of office had, on several occasions, proved but a feeble pro- 
tection. The representatives of the people thought it due 
to the dignity of their body, that Mr. R. should be arrested 
in his profligate career ; and, as they knew that Mr. Clay 
was not only a gentleman of extraordinary intellect, and 
some parliamentary experience, but a man of too much 
energy of character, and dignity of demeanour, to brook 
even the appearance of disrespect offered to him, either in 
a private or an official capacity, it is not strange that, on 
this occasion, they appointed him to the speaker's chair, 
in preference to men who had been longer in the house. 
Those who know in what manner he subsequently per- 
formed the duties of his office, are aware, that the high 
expectations originally formed of him, were more than 
sustained. During the many years of his presidency 
over the house, including seasons of unprecedented poli- 
tical strife — not one of his decisions was ever reversed on 
an appeal from the chair, notwithstanding the energy 
with which he always exerted his authority. This fact 
is his best and most eloquent eulogy. 

The period at which Mr, Clay went into the House of 
Representatives, was one of the most momentous in Ame- 
rican history. The relations between our country and 
England, which, for some years, had been of an unplea- 
sant nature, wert- now assuming a character that indicated 
an open and immediate rupture. The aggressions upon 
our rights had become insuffi?rable. British cruisers upon 
the high seas were in the constant habit of boarding our 



64 BIOGRAPHY OP 

vessels, and forcibly seizing and detaining our seamen, 
under pretence of supposing them the subjects of the king. 
The Americans thus seized, were not allowed to bring 
their cases before a competent tribunal for adjudication, 
but were unconditionally subject to the arbitrary will of 
every British naval officer. Thousands of our country- 
men were, in this way, carried into slavery, and forced to 
expose their lives by toiling in deadly climes, or fighting 
the battles of their oppressors. By official returns, it ap- 
peared, that not less than seven thousand were in capti- 
vitj'' in 1812. It was in vain that we remonstrated against 
these enormities. To evince, in the strongest manner, our 
disposition to effect an amicable adjustment of all difficul- 
ties between Great Britain and ourselves, our government 
proposed certain arrangements, which, if the mere reco- 
very of her own subjects had been her real design in the 
impressment of our sailors, would have enabled her to 
effect her object, without doing injustice to the United 
States. The proposition was rejected with supercilious- 
ness. 

The impressment of our countrymen by Great Britain, 
was accompanied by a general and systematick attack 
upon our commerce, almost unprecedented in the history 
of nations. She proclaimed all the ports of France in a 
state of blockade, and prohibited our vessels from entering 
them. It is a well-known law of nations, that a neutral 
people may trade to every foreign port, which is not lite- 
rally blockaded by the presence of an adequate force ; but 
Great Britain shut up the harbours of a whole country by 
vierc procla?)iatio/i, and then attempted to force us to ob, 
serve her mock blockades, by seizing upon our trading- 
vessels, and confiscating their cargoes. Every American 
vessel that was sus])ectcd of being destined for France, 
was made a prize. Our ships were seized in the vcrp 



hekry clay. 65 

fmidh of our own. harbours, for violating; the blockade of 
French ports. Emboldened by our non-resistance to such 
enormous illegalities, our oppressor went still further, and', 
m effect, excluded our vessels from the ports of Spain, 
and every other country with which she herself was not 
allowed to trade freely. In this way she expected to put 
a final check upon the whole commerce of the United 
States, unless we should compel foreign countries, over 
whose maritime regulations we had no control, to open 
their ports to her own vessels. For all these acts of op- 
pression, she assigned the most frivolous and contradic- 
tory reasons. It was one of her favourite maxims, that 
the seas were her owrt, ; and it was evidently her determi- 
nation to crush our commerce at once, in order that we 
might never dispute her supremacy. The whole domi- 
nion of the sea was, in fact, usurped, and every vessel, 
whose object was not to subserve her policy, treated as an 
open enemy. ] 

Our government had spent months and years in seeking 
justice by peaceable means. Madison and Pinckney had 
eloquently depicted the catalogue of our wrongs, in their 
correspondence with the officers of the British king. 
Proposition after proposition was submitted — message wa.s 
despatched after message;— -but all our forbearance occa- 
sioned only an accumulation of injuries — the piling of 
Ossa upon Pelion. 

Thus situated, the United States seemed to have no 
course left but to put themselves in readiness for a forci- 
ble resistance to tyranny; and the proceedings of the Con- 
gress now in session, were looked to with a deep and ab- 
sorbing interest. It was convened by the president, at an 
earlier day than usual, with express reference to the sub- 
ject of a declaration of war. Had the country been free 
from party spirit, one general sentiment, in fiivour of vin- 

6* 



66 BIOGRAPHY OF' 

dicating our rights by an appeal to arms, would have per- 
vaded her many millions. Such, however, was not her 
condition. A fierce conflict was ragmg at that day be- 
tween Great Britain, and France, and there was a power- 
ful party in the United StateSj which was distinguished 
by such an infatuated attachment to the "former power, 
and such a bitter hatred of the latter, that those who were 
members of it, chose to tolerate, without a murmur, every 
possible manifestation of British insolence and outrage, 
rather than take up arms against her. This party was 
strong in Congress — embracing a large proportion of the 
members of both houses, and embodying an aggregate of 
talent that rendered it truly formidable. It was against 
the leaders of this party. that Mr. Clay was now called on 
to exert his power; and his country well remembers how 
nobly and successfully he acquitted himself in the en- 
counter. He stood not alone — Lowndes, Cheves, Cal- 
houn, and other powerful spirits, stood firmly at his side; 
but his nam.e was the tower of strcns-th on which rested 
the hopes of the democracy of the nation. The occasion 
was great, beyond any that had ever roused his energies ; 
and his soul swelled at the contemplation of it, like the 
ocean, when the imprisoned winds of heaven are heaving 
beneath its surface. From the electric home of his mind 
a flash went forth, and it was seen blazing and corrusca- 
ting through every city and hamlet of the Union. Like 
the Eastern Magician, he invoked the storm with a voice of 
power, and the shouts of answering spirits, like the deep 
murmurs of subterranean waters, went up from every hill, 
and plain, and valle}'' of his country. 

On the 27th of November, the comm-iltee of the house, 
to whom had been referred the subject of our foreign rela- 
tions, made an able report, giving a concise exposition of 
the injustice of Great Britain toward the United States, 



' . 



HENRY CLAY, 67 

and insisting on the policy of war. As the resolution 
was discussed while Mr. Clay was in the chair, he had 
not an opportunity to express his opinions upon it. The 
debate, however, was conducted by Randolph, Cheves, 
Grundy, and several other distinguished speakers, with 
great ability and warmth. Mr. Randolph's intellect was 
then in its vigour; and the effort which he made, in oppo- 
sition to the report of the committee, was, perhaps, the 
greatest in his whole congressional life. The extensive 
resources of his mind, the stately march of his eloquent 
periods, the startling flashes of his indignation, and " the 
sneering devil that lurked in his tone and look," rendered 
him an opponent, at that day, whom it was by no 
means safe to encounter. Mr. Clay was the only man in 
the house, who could dash aside, with unerring certainty, 
the weapons of this Ishmael. 

In the course of a few days, the subject of war was 
presented to the representatives of the people, in the form 
of a bill for raising a military force of twenty-five thou- 
sand men ; and the speaker mingled in the debate. He 
gave to the friends of the bill his heartiest co-operation. 
Although the taunts of the opposition had been many and 
bitter, he entered into the discussion with all the dignity 
and philosophical calmness by v/hich he had been uni- 
formly characterized. The subject in debate was well 
calculated to excite the feelings, and preclude dispassion- 
ate argument; but he took an elevated stand, from which 
he could look calmly down upon the fierce passions war- 
ring and maddening beneath him, and hold out his sub- 
ject to the view of his audience in its true colour and di- 
mensions. He seemed hke one who had been far on in 
advance of his companions, and had come back to point 
out to them the path they were to pursue. His re- 
marks v/ere never fully reported, and, for a knowledge of 



68 BIOGRAPHY OF 

their character, we are more indebted to the testimon}^ of 
«ir-witnesses, than to that of the congressional journals. 
The speech was a splendid combination of vigorous logick 
and eloquent appeal. The orator confined himself, for a 
time, to severe disquisition; and, after working a rational 
conviction in the minds of the assembly, he let his words 
go out ^'iike a thunder-roll upon the banners of the air," 
to quicken and electrify the passions. 

Among those who were in favour of war, there was a 
great difference of opinion as to the quantum of military 
force which it was expedient to raise. Some gentlemen 
proposed fifteen thousand — a force which Mr. Clay thought 
too small for war^ and too great for peace. The secre- 
tary of war had stated, in his report, that more than 
twelve thousand men would be necessary for the single 
purpose of manning the fortresses upon the sea-board ; and 
it w^as probable that a portion of these would be taken 
from the twenty-five thousand, whom the bill before tho' 
house proposed to raise. The British troops in Canada 
were eight thousand strong ; and, in case of an invasion, 
they would be concentrated within the almost impregna- 
ble fortress of Gluebec. In marching to this principal 
point of attack, our army would find it necessary to sub- 
due the upper part of Canada, and distribute a consider- 
able number of men on the route, to keep possession of 
the various places of military strength. Before the walls 
of duebec, our troops would find their numbers greatly 
ret-luced; and Mr. Clay contended, ihat the fortress could 
not be safely attacked by a force less than double of that 
by which it was garrisoned. If it fell, another detach- 
ment from the regular army must be left to hold it ; and if 
the war were afterwards to be carried into the lower coun- 
try, it seemed obvious that the whole force of twenty-five 
ihousond men would be bv no means too irrcat. Even if 



HENRY CLAY. 6^ 

all designs of invading Canada were to be abandoned, Mr. 
Clay argued, that the proposed force would be none too 
large for the protection of the immense territory of the 
United States, including, as it does, a maritime frontier, 
every where exposed to the depredations of a naval power. 
His plan was, to prosecute the war, if it were undertaken, 
with the whole of a nation's energies — to crush, at once, 
with an armed heel, the serpent that was giving its deadly 
embrace to our liberties. 

An attempt had been made in the discussion, particu- 
larly by Mr. Randolph, to excite the prejudices of the 
house against a regular army, which, he contended, would 
be likely to deluge the country in blood, and build up a 
throne to some idol conqueror. " I am not," said Mr. 
Clay, " the advocate of standing armies ; but the standing 
armies which excite most my fears, are those which are 
kept up in time of peace. I confess I do not perceive any 
real source of danger in a military force of twenty-five 
thousand men in the United States, provided only for a 
state of war, even supposing it to be corrupted, and its 
arms turned, by the ambition of its leaders, against the- 
freedom of the country. I see abundant security against 
any such treasonable attempt. The diffusion of political 
information amongst the great body of the people, con- 
stitutes a powerful safeguard. The American character 
has been much abused by Europeans, whose tourists, whe- 
ther on horse or foot, in verse and prose have united in de- 
preciating it. It is true, that we do not exhibit as many 
signal instances of scientific acquirement in this country, 
as are furnished in the old world; but it is undeniable, that 
the great mass of the people possess more intelligence than 
an}^ other people on the globe. Such a people, consisting 
of upwards of seven millions, affording a physical power 
of about a million of men, capable of bearing arms, and 



70 BIOGRAPHY OF 

ardently devoted to liberty, cannot be subdued by an army 
of twenty-five thousand men. The wide extent of coun- 
try over which we are spread, is another security. In 
other countries, France and England for example, the fall 
of Paris or London is the fall of the nation. Here are no 
such dangerous aggregations of people. New-York, and 
Philadelphia, and Boston, and every city on the Atlantic, 
may be subdued by an usurper, and he will have made but 
a small advance in the accomplishment of his purpose. 
Even let the whole country east of the Alleghany submit 
to the ambition of some daring chief, and the liberty of 
the Union will be still unconquered. It will find success- 
ful support from the west. A great portion of the mili- 
tia — nearly the whole, I understand, of that of Massa- 
chusetts, have arms in their hands ; and I trust in God, 
that this great object will be persevered in, till every man 
in the nation can proudly shoulder the musket, which is 
to defend his country and himself. A people having, be- 
sides, the benefit of one general government, other local 
governments in full operation, capable of exerting and 
commanding great portions of the physical power, all of 
which must be prostrated before our constitution is sub- 
verted — such a people have nothing to fear from a petty 
contemptible force of twenty-five thousand regulars." 

Some of the more timorous and pacific members of the 
house had intimated, that it was improper to discuss pub- 
lickly the subject of a war against Britain. " I do not," 
said Mr. Clay, "feel that impropriet^^ It is a subject, in 
its nature incapable of concealment. Even in countries 
where the powers of government are conducted by a sin- 
gle ruler, it is almost impossible for that ruler to conceal 
his intentions, when he meditates war. The assembling 
of armies — the strengthening of posts — all the movements 
preparatory to war, and which it is impossible to disguise, 



HENRY CLAY. 71 

unfold the intentions of the sovereign. Docs Russia or 
France intend war ?— The intention is invariably known 
before the war is commenced. If congress were to pass a 
law, with closed doors, to raise an army for the purpose of 
war, its enlistment and organization, which cannot be done 
in secret, will indicate the use to which it is to be applied ; 
and we cannot suppose England will be so blind as not to 
see that she is aimed at. Nor can she injure us more, by 
thus knowing our purposes, than if she were kept in igno- 
rance of them. She may, indeed, anticipate us, and com- 
mence the war. But that is what she is, in fact, doinc* ; and 
she can add but Httle to the injury she is inflicting. If she 
chooses to declare war in form, let her do so — the respon- 
sibility will be with her." 

It had been emphatically asked by the opposition, what 
we were to gain by the war. " In reply," said Mr. C, 
" I will ask, what are we not to lose by peace ? — Com- 
merce, character, a nation's best treasure, honour ! If pe- 
cuniary considerations alone are to govern, there is suffi- 
cient motives for the war. Our revenue is reduced by the 
operation of the belligerent edicts, to about six millions of 
dollars. The year preceding the embargo, it was sixteen. 
Take away the orders in council, it will again mount up 
to sixteen millions. By continuing, therefore, in peace, if 
the mongrel situation, in which we are, deserves that de- 
nomination — we lose annually, in revenue alone, ten mil- 
lions of dollars. Gentlemen w^ill say, repeal the law of 
non-importation. If the United States were capable of 
that perfidy, the revenue would not be restored to its for- 
mer state, the orders in council continuing. Without an 
export trade, which these orders prevent, inevitable ruin 
will ensue, if we import as freely as we did prior to the 
embargo. A nation that carries on an import trade, with- 
out an export trade to support it. must, in the end, be as 



72 BIOGPcAPHY OF 

certainly bankrupt, as the individual would be who incur- 
red an annual expenditure without an income." 

Every speech that was made before the house, in oppo- 
sition to the war, was filled with the praises of England, 
and the most unmeasured abuse of Buonaparte. The 
latter was represented as having effaced the title of Attila 
to the " Scourge of God," and transformed the human 
race into a mere machine of his impious and bloody ambi- 
tion. The way in which we were required to show our 
aohorrence of this malefactor of the human race, was to 
bear our injuries with patient endurance, lest we shoula 
weaken the exertions of his great rival. " But allowing," 
said Mr. C, "that the object of England is to check 
the progress of tyranny, how is her philanthropick purpose 
to be achieved ? By a scrupulous observance of the rights 
of others — by respecting that code of publick law which 
s>he professes to vindicate — and by abstaining from self- 
aggrandizement ? Then would she command the sympa- 
thy of the world. What are we required to do, by those 
who would engage our feelings and wishes in her behalf? 
To bear the actual cuffs of her arrogance, that we may 
escape a chimerical French subjugation I We are invi- 
ted, conjured, to drink the portion of British poison actu- 
ally presented to our lips, that we may avoid the imperial 
dose prepared by perturbed imaginations. We are called 
upon to submit to debasement, dishonour, disgrace, — to 
bow the neck to royal insolence, as a course of preparation 
for manly resistance to Gallic invasion ! What nation, 
what individual, was ever taught, in the schools of igno- 
minious submission, these patriotic lessons of freedom and 
independence ? Let those who contend for this humi- 
liating doctrine, read its refutation in the history of the 
very man, against whose insatiable thirst of dominion we 
are warned. The experience of desolated Spain, during 



HENRY CLAY. 73 

the last fifteen years, is worth volumes. Did she find her 
repose and safety in subserviency to the will of that man ? 
Had she boldly stood forth, and repelled the first attempt 
to dictate to her councils, her monarch would not now 
have been a miserable captive in Marseilles. Let us come 
home to our own history ; it was not hy submission that 
our fathers achieved our independence. The patriotic 
wisdom that placed you, Mr. Chairman, under that cano- 
py, penetrated the designs of a corrupt ministry, and 
nobly fronted encroachment on its first appearance. It 
saw, beyond the petty taxes with which it commenced, a 
long train of oppressive measures, terminating in the total 
annihilation of liberty ; and, contemptible as they were, 
It did not hesitate to resist them. Take the experience of 
the last four or five years, which, I am sorry to say, exhi- 
bits a different kind of spirit. We were, but yesterday, 
contending for the indirect trade — the right to export to 
Europe the coffee and sugar of the West Indies. To-day 
we are asserting our claim to the direct trade — the riG:ht 
to export our own cotton, tobacco, and other domestic pro- 
duce, to market. Yield this point, and, to-morrow, inter- 
course between New- York and New-Orleans — between 
ihe planters on James River and Richmond, will be inter- 
dicted. The career of encroachment is never arrested bv 
.submission. It will advance, while there remains a single 
privilege on which it can operate. Gentlemen say, that this 
government is unfit for any war but a war of invasion. 
What ! is it not equivalent to invasion, if the mouths of oui; 
harbours and outlets are blocked up, and we are der\jioJ 
egress from our own waters ? When the burglar is'j,it our 
door, shall we bravely sally forth and repel his felonious 
entrance, or meanly skulk within the cells of the castle?" 
After the (Jelivery of Mr. Clay's speech, several efforts 
werfe made to get the bill amended : but they v/ere ail in- 

7 ' --5 



74 BIOGRAPHY OF 

effectual, and the bill was passed by a vote of ninety- four 
to thirty-four — several gentlemen voting in the affirmative, 
whose support had been confidently counted on by the op- 
posite party. This was the first step of the government 
towards preparing for war. 

After the house had voted to increase the military force 
of the country, a bill was brought forward to make pro- 
visions for a navy. The " president, in his message, had 
called the attention of congress to the subject, by suggest- 
ing the propriety of fi.tting our maritime force for the ser- 
vices to which it was best adapted, and augmenting the 
stock of such materials as were, in their nature, imperisha- 
ble. The bill, which proposed an appropriation by govern- 
ment for the purchase of timber, and the repair of those 
vessels which were in a state of decay, gave rise to an 
animated discussion upon the true naval policy of the 
United States. The same objection which had been made 
to an army, was now urged with equal vehemence against 
a navy — the danger, that an armed force would subvert 
the liberties of our republic. It was insisted, too, that the 
fitting out of naval armaments would require a pecuniary 
expenditure, which the people were, by no means, pre- 
pared to meet, and that it was in vain for us to think of 
contending with the maritime force of Great Britain, 
whose fleets covered the ocean, like wide-extended cities. 
The great champions of the navy were Clay, Cheves, 
and Lowndes, each of whom spoke with an eloquence that 
thrilled the hearts of the audience like a tone of prophecy. 
The speech of Mr. Clay, in particular, deserves to be 
treasured up as a text-book, from which nations, in their 
infancy, may draw wise and practical lessons of naval 
policy. 

In the prosecution of his argument, Mr. C. described 
three different degrees of naval force, and considered each 



HENRY CLAY. 75 

of them in reference to the necessities and the pecuniary 
ability of the United States. The first was a force that 
should enable us to go boldly forth upon every sea and 
ocean, and bid defiance to the largest fleets of a belligerent 
power, wherever they might be encountered. Such a 
force, he admitted, it would be the extreme of madness 
and folly for our government to think, at that time, of 
establishins;. 

The second description of force referred to by Mr. Clay, 
was one which, without often venturing to seek an enemy 
in foreign climes, should be competent to beat off any 
squadron or fleet, which Great Britain, or any other nation, 
might attempt to station permanently upon our coast. 
He shewed, that this might be done by a force equal to 
one third of that employed against us, it being a fact 
proved by nautical experience, that a nation cannot main- 
tain a permanent force upon a distant station, without an 
equal force constantly in port for repairs, and another as 
constantly on the passage. From this he inferred, that 
twelve ships of the line, and fifteen or twenty frigates, 
would enable us to encounter the most formidable fleet 
which Great Britain, during the continuance of her Eu- 
ropean conflict, could maintain in the American waters. 
Such a naval armament, he acknowledged, could not be 
looked for at that time ; but he urged on congress the poli- 
cy of making preparation for it. and expressed his entire 
conviction, that the finances of the country would warrant 
its completion in a few years. He was'not intimidated by 
the boasted navy of the ocean-queen. So great, he con- 
tended, was her distance from us — so imminent the perils 
of a squadron on a remote shore — and so numerous the 
facilities offered by an extensive sea-board to our own ves- 
sels for annoying and evading an enemy — that we should 
sooa have the mean& of providing a force, which would 



76 BIOGRAPHY OF 

empower us to vindicate all our maritime rights. Of the 
truth of this opinion, which, at that time, was in direct 
opposition to public sentiment, the country can now judge. 
Our surprise has often been excited to find Mr. Claj^s pre- 
dictions with regard to the affairs of the nation, so unfail- 
ingly supported by subsequent experience. Whatever he 
has attempted to foretell, has been uniformly written down 
by Time upon the page of history. 

A third description of naval force Mr. Clay considered 
as perfectly within the nation's resources at the time of 
the discussion. This was a force which should enable us 
to prevent any single vessel, of whatever magnitude, from 
endangering our whole coasting trade, and laying our 
chief cities under contribution. Even on this point he was 
obstinately opposed, but such was the power with which 
he grappled the arguments of the opposition, that he scat- 
tered them around him piece-meal. That policy which 
refuses to provide against any dangers because it cannot 
guard against all, he reprobated with strong and manly 
indignation. " If," said he, " we are not able to meet the 
gathered wolves of the forest, shall we put up with the 
barking impudence of every petty cur that trips across our 
way?" 

The reader probably recollects, that Mr. Clay, in dis- 
cussing the right of the general government to occupy 
West Florida, proved, that the possession of the country 
was indispensable to the commerce of the western states. 
On the present occasion, he shewed, with equal clearness, 
tliat the whole of this commerce would inevitably be sacri- 
ficed, if all our armed vessels were left in a dismantled 
condition. "If," said he, "-there be a point, more than 
any other in the United States, demanding the aiil of na- 
val protection, that point is the mouth of the Mississippi. 
The populatioji of 'the whole western coiuitry ar& dependr 

t 

J 



mt on tliis single outlet for their surplus productions. 
These productions can be transported in no other way. 
They will not bear the expense of a carriage up the Ohio 
and Tennessee, and across the mountains; and the circuit- 
ous voyage of the Lakes is out of the question. Whilst 
most other states have the option of numerous outlets, so 
that, if one be closed, resort can be had to others, the vast 
population of the western country have no alternative. 
Close the mouth of the Mississippi, and their export trade 
is annihilated. I would call the attention of my western 
friends, especially my worthy Kentucky friends — from 
whom I feel myself, with regret, constrained to differ on 
this occasion — to the state of the public feeling in that 
quarter, whilst the navigation of the Mississippi was with- 
held by Spain ; and to the still more recent period, when 
the right of depot was violated. The whole countr}^ was 
in commotion, and, at the nod of government, would have 
fallen on Baton Rouge and New-Orleans, and punished 
the treachery of a perfidious government. Abandon all 
idea of protecting, by maritime force, the mouth of the 
Mississippi, and we shall have the recurrence of similar 
scenes. We shall hold the inestimable right of the navi- 
gation of that river by the most precarious tenure. The 
whole commerce of the Mississippi — a commerce that is 
destined to be the richest that was ever borne by a single 
stream — is placed at the mercy of a single ship lying off 
the Balize ! Again, what is to become of Cuba ? Will 
it assert independence, or remain the province of some Eu- 
ropean power? In either case, the whole trade of the 
western country, which must pass almost within gun-shot 
of the Moro Castle, is exposed to danger. It is not, how- 
ever, of Cuba I am afraid. I wish her independent. But 
suppose England gets possession of that valuable island. 
With Cuba on the south, and Halifax *on the north — and 

7* ^ 



713 BIOGRAPHY OF 

tlic consequent means of favouring or annoying- the cono 
PAVXce of particular sections of the country — will not the- 
most sanguine amongst us tremble for the integrity of the 
union ? If, along with Cuba, Great Britain should acquire 
East Florida, she will have the absohite command of the 
(julf of Mexico. Can gentlemen, particularly gentlemen 
from the western country, contemplate such possible, nay, 
probable- events, without desiring to see, at least, the com- 
mencement of such a naval establishment, as will effect- 
ually protect the Mississippi? Let me intreat them to 
•turn their attention to the defenceless situation of the Or- 
leans Territory, and to the nature of its population. It is 
known that, whilst under the Spanish government, they 
experienced the benefit of naval security. Satisfy them 
that, under the government of the United States, they will 
enjoy less protection, and you disclose the most fatal 
secret." 

Having demonstrated the peculiar importance of a navy 
to the western states, the orator proceeded to show, that, 
without it, no commerce could exist to any extent. " A 
marine," said he, " is the natural, the appropriate guardian 
of foreign commerce. The shepherd and his faithful dog 
are not more necessary to guard the flocks that browze 
and gambol on the neiglibouring mountain. Neglect to 
provide the one, and you must abandon the other. Sup- 
pose the expected war with Great Britain is commenced — 
you enter and subjugate Canada, and she still refuses to 
do you justice — what other possible mode will remain to 
operate on the enemy, but upon that clement where alone 
you can then come in contact with him? And, if you do 
i\ot prepare to protect tl\ere your own commerce, and to as- 
sail his, will he not sweep from the ocean every vessel 
bearing your flag, and destroy' even the coasting trade ? 
But, from the arguments of gentlemen, it would seem to 



HENRY CLAY, 70 

be questioned, if foreign commerce is worth the kind of 
protection insisted upon. What is this foreign commerce, 
that has suddenly become so inconsiderable?' It has, 
with very trifling aid from other sources, defrayed the 
expenses of government ever since the adoption of the pre- 
sent constitution — maintained an expensive and success- 
ful war with the Indians — a war with the Barbary Pbwers 
— a quasi war with France — sustained the charges of 
suppressing two insurrections, and extinguishing upwards 
of forty-six millions of the public debt. In revenue, it has, 
since the j^ear 1789, yielded one hundred and ninety-one 
millions of dollars. During the first four years after the 
commencement of the present government, the revenue 
averaged only about two millions annually — during a sub- 
sequent period of four years, it rose to an average of fifteen 
millions annually, or became equivalent to a capital of two 
hundred and fifty millions of dollars, at an interest of six 
per cent, per annum. And, if our commerce is re-establish- 
ed, it will, in the course of time, nett a sum for which we 
are scarcely furnished with figures in arithmetick. 
Taking the average of the last nine years — including, of 
course, the season of the embargo — our exports average 
upwards of thirty-seven millions of dollars, which is 
e-quivalent to a capital of more than six hundred millions 
of dollars, at six per cent, interest, all of which must be 
lost, in the event of a destruction of foreign commerce." 

It is not surprising, that arguments like these prevailed 
over the scruples and prejudices of the house. Their suc- 
cess was complete. A generous appropriation was made, 
and the navy fitted up with all convenient despatch. The 
result is familiar to the world. The naval force, which, 
in the beginning of 1812, was hanging, for' its very ex- 
istence, upon the energetic and vehement appeals' of Mr. 
Clay, became, in less than two years, the right arm of our 



*^ 



•/ 



80 BIOGRAPHY OF 

coiintry, and the cbastiser of our giant foe. Its power' 
broke upon that foe, hke a burst from an unseen cloud ; 
and, where its battle-thunders fell, his strength was shiver-- 
ed like an untempered spear. The shout of " Victory !" 
" Victory !" was wafted from Erie and Michigan — and, 
from the remote waters of the Atlantick and Pacifick, were 
borne back the echoes of " Victory !" '' Victory !" Our 
commerce, thus nobly protected, has swept in triumph 
over the ocean, and made its waters the source of a more 
priceless treasure, than if, like the waves of the fabled 
Pactolus, they swept over sands of golden jewelry. 

The discussion of the navy bill took place in January, 
IS 12. After the passage of the bill, various debates, some 
of great, and others of less importance, occurred on the sub- 
ject of our relations with Great Britain, and, in all of them, 
Mr. Clay was the champion and the guide of the demo- 
cratic party. No difficulties could weary or withstand his 
energies. He moved in majesty, for he moved in strength. 
Like the Carthagenian chief in the passage of the Alps^ 
he kept his place in front of his comrades, putting aside, 
with a giant effort, every obstacle that opposed his pro- 
gress, applauding the foremost of his followers, and rousing 
those who lingered, bywords of encouragement or reproach, 
till he succeeded in posting them upon a moral eminence, 
from which they could look down upon the region, where 
their prowess was to meet with its long-expected reward. 

In the latter part of March, Mr. Madison transmitted a 
message to the two houses of congress, recommending an 
embargo of sixty days. This measure seemed indispensa- 
ble. So much had been said, and vainly said, about war, 
during the last three or four years, that, notwithstanding 
the warlike preparations which were now constantly going 
forward, a majority of the people of the United States be- 
lieved that it would never take place. The}'' continued 



HENRY CLAY. 81 

to send out their unprotected trading vessels upon the 
ocean, as if looking forward to years of uninterrupted 
peace. Had war suddenl}^ commenced while these ves- 
sels were abroad, they would, of course, have fallen an al- 
most indiscriminate prey to British cruisers, and hence 
the general government deemed it expedient to prohibit all 
egress from our ports, until the commerce of the country 
could be placed in a condition of greater security. 

The message of the president was discussed in the house 
of representatives, in secret session, on the first day of April. 
The injunction of secrecy was soon afterwards removed, 
and the proceedings became public. Having looked in 
vain for a satisfactory report of the debate, we shall 
transcribe the account of it given us by a distinguished 
friend, who was, at that time, a member of congress, and, 
like Mr. Clay, an efficient supporter of the administration. 

" During the discussion of the polic}^ of the embargo, I 
was in the house. I have seldom known a debate con- 
ducted with greater ability, or with more spirit and deter- 
mination. Mr. Clay took the lead in support of the em- 
bargo, and Messrs. John Randolph and Josiah Quincy in 
opposition to it. There was a moral grandeur in the col- 
lision of such minds, which I think myself fortunate in 
having witnessed. 

" Mr. Q.uincy was a strong-minded man, but relentless 
in his hostility to Mr. Madison's administration, and im- 
moderate in his prejudices against the embargo. During 
Mr. Jefferson's embargo of 1807, some of his constituents 
had resisted its operation, and made an ineffectual effort to 
procure its repeal, by bringing the question of its consti- 
tutionality before the supreme court of the United States. 

" Mr. QL. professed to believe, that the embargo was not 
designed as a preparation for war, but as a temporary re- 
fuge from the necessity of declaring it. He contended, 



82 BIOGRAPHY OF 

that, in our unprotected condition, it would be folly to go 
to war, and that the administration dared not be guilty 
of it. 

" An intimation had been thrown out by some one, that 
Mr. Q,., in conjunction with one or two other gentlemen, 
had sent ofT an express on the day preceding the reception 
of the president's message, to give information of the proba- 
ble embargo to the citizens of New- York, Philadelphia, 
and Boston. He acknowledged the fact, and gloried in it. 
' By anticipating the mail,' said he, ' we have given an 
opportunity to great masses of our property to escape from 
the. ruin our cabinet is meditating for them — aj^, to escape 
into the jaws of the British Lion and the French Tiger, 
which are places of refuge in comparison with the grasp 
of this Hyena Embargo. Look now upon the river below 
Alexandria, and you will see the sailors towing down 
their vessels, as from a pestilence, against wind and tide, 
anxious to escape from a country which would destroy, 
under pretence of preserving them.' Mr. Randolph spoke on 
the same side, with his characteristick pungency and power, 
and far more than his usual earnestness. He, too, spoke 
of the declaration of war as absurd — as treasonable — as an 
act which the general government, with all its madness 
and fatuity, had not the courage to perpetrate. With an 
air of triumph he exclaimed, ' What new cause have we. 
of war ! what new cause of embargo ! The affair of the 
Chesapeake is settled, and no new principle of blockade is 
interpolated in the law of nations !' Mr. Clay was a flame 
of fire. He had now brought congress to the verge of 
what he conceived to be a war for liberty and honour, and 
his voice, inspired by the occasion, rang throagh the capi- 
tal, like a trumpet-tone sounding for the oi^iset. On the 
subject of the policy of the embargo, his eloquence, like a 
Roman phalanx, bore down all opposition, and he put to 



HENRY CLAY. 83 

shame those of his opponents, who flouted the government 
as being unprepared for war. ' Why is it,' he exclaimed, 
indignantly, ' that we are no better prepared ! Because 
the gentlemen themselves have thrown every possible ob- 
stacle in our way ! They have opposed the raising of an 
army — the fitting out of a naval armament — the fortifica- 
tion of our frontiers — and now talk of the madness of en- 
gaging in a war, for which we are not 'prepared ! It is 
asked, what new cause of war ? In reply, I will ask, what 
old cause of war is avenged ? The affair of the Chesa- 
peake is settled — but why ? To paralyze the spirit of the 
country. Has Great Britain abstained from impressing 
our seamen, and depredating upon our property 1 I have 
in my hands an account of the recent capture of the ship 
Hannibal, worth, with the cargo, 300,000 dollars, near our 
own coast, on a voyage to France. I have no doubt but 
that the late Indian hostilities on the Wabash were excited 
by the British. Is not this cause of war T By reiterated 
appeals like these, he wrought upon the feelings of Con- 
gress, till his spirit seemed to pervade it like an omnipre- 
sence ; and when the question of the embargo was taken, 
a large portion of the opposition was with him. The in- 
telligences around him bowed down and did him obeisance, 
like the sheaves in the vision of the patriarch. I scarce 
need remark to one acquainted with the history of that 
period, that Mr. Clay was looked upon as the chief sup- 
port of the public cause in Congress. He was considered 
as sustaining its fortunes upon his shoulders." 

Toward the close of the session, Mr. Clay, in the dis- 
charge of his duties as speaker, became involved in an 
unpleasant controversy with Mr. Randolph ; and the ex- 
citement produced by the circumstances at the time, as 
well as the im-portance of the principles settled by the dis- 
cussion, entitles the affair to notice. On Thursday, the 



84 BIOGRAPHY OP 

28th of Ma J, one of Mr. R.'s personal and political friends, 
happening to be in conversation with Mr, Clay, inquire^] 
of him on what day the administration party would at- 
tempt a declaration of war. Mr. C, with the frankness 
that always marked his political character, replied, that 
the measure would probably be attempted on the follow- 
ing Monday. This intelligence was immediately con- 
veyed to Mr. Randolph, who rose in his place the next 
morning, and, after stating that he had a itiotion to make, 
commenced a speech upon the subject of our relations 
with Great Britain and France. He had spoken but a 
few minutes, when he was called to order by one of the 
members, on the ground that there was no motion before 
the house. Mr. Clay overruled the objection, as Mr. Ran- 
dolph had signified his intention to make a motion, and it 
was usual to 'admit prefatory remarks. Mr. R. resumed 
his speech, and, after continuing it till it had wholly lost 
its prefatory character, Mr. Calhoun interrupted him with 
the observation, that the question of war was not before 
the house, and that he was, therefore, speaking contrary 
10 rule, and without affording others an opportunity to 
reply. Mr. Bibb, who then occupied the speaker's chair, 
in the momentary absence of Mr. Cla^^, decided that Mr. 
Randolph was in order. Mr. Clay returned to the chair, 
and, in a few minutes, Mr. Calhoun again interrupted Mr. 
R., with the demand that he should submit to the chair 
the motion he intended to make. Mr. Clay said, that un- 
questionably the gentleman might be called on to submit 
his proposition in writing, because it was the speaker s 
duty to require, that the observations made on the floor 
should be applicable to the subject in debate — a duty which 
could not be performed, unless the terms of the proposi- 
tion were known. Mr. Randolph then said — "my propo- 
sition is, that it is not expedient, at this time, to reson to 



HENRY CLAY. 85 

a war with Great Britain." The speaker inquired if the 
motion was seconded. Mr. R. expressed his surprise that 
a second, in such a case, should be required. The speaker 
rejoined, that every motion must be seconded before it 
could be announced from the chair, and that he should re- 
quire the motion to be reduced to writing. "Then I ap- 
peal from that decision," said Mr. Randolph. The speak- 
er now stated the grounds of his decision, and his remarks 
were followed by a general discussion upon the subject of 
its correctness. On taking the vote, the chair was sus- 
tained by a large majority. "Sir," said Mr. Randolph, 
" I am cofnpelled to submit my motion in writing ; and, 
under that compulsion, I offer it." " There is no compul- 
sion in the case," replied the speaker: "because the gen- 
tleman may or may not offer it, at his option." The mo- 
tion was now read from the chair, and the speaker re- 
marked, that after a resolution was presented to the house, 
it was not in order to debate it, until the house had agreed 
to consider it. Mr. Randolph again appealed from the 
decision of the chair ; but after a stormy debate, withdrev/ 
his appeal, at the suggestion of his friend, Mr. Macon. 
The speaker next addressed the house in vindication of 
his course ; and when the question was taken, v/hether 
the house would consider Mr. Randolph's resolution, it 
was decided in the negative, by a vote of 72 to 37. ^Ir. 
R. was now compelled to take his seat ; but under the in- 
fluence of passion excited by his defeat, he published, on 
the following day, an intemperate address to his constitu- 
ents, telling them that the freedom of speech in congress 
was reduced to an empty name — that it had been decided, 
for the first time, in the person of their representative, that 
the house might refuse to hear a member in his place, 
upon the most momentous subject, which could be pre- 

8 



86 BIOGRAPHY OP 

sonted for legislative decision — that this was a usurpation, 
more flagitious than any which had ever been practised 
under the reign of terror, by the father of the sedition 
laws — and, that the people must interfere, and apply a re- 
medy, or bid adieu to a free government forever. On the 
appearance of this singular document, Mr. Clay promptly 
replied to it, in a communication, under his own name, to 
the editors of the government paper at Washington. He 
stated, in this communication, that two principles had been 
settled by the decisions, of which Mr. Randr^iph com- 
plained ; in the first place, that the house nad a right to 
know, through its organ, the specific motion which a mem- 
ber intended making, before he undertook to argue it at 
large; and, in the second place, that it reserved to itself 
the exercise of the power of determining, whether it would 
consider the motion at the particular time when offered. 
So completely overmastering was his defence of these 
principles — so inescapable his refutation of his opponent's 
arguments, and so perfect his demonstration of the impro- 
priety of Mr. Randolph's conduct, in attempting to antici- 
pate the will of the house, by discussing publickly a sub- 
ject which he knew was to be considered in secret session, 
that Mr. R., fond as he was of disputation, and bitter as 
he was known to be in his enmity to Mr. Clay, made an 
awkward retreat from the controversy. The principles 
that were here established by Mr. Clay, have been consi- 
dered authoritative ; and no subsequent attempt has ever 
been made, to deprive the House of Representatives of the 
right of regulating its own proceedings, and force it, con- 
trary to its will, to listen, by the hour, to the whimsical or 
irregular remarks of a disordered or obstinate individual. 

The declaration of war did not take place on the Mon- 
day following the collision between Mr. Clay and Mr. 
Randolph, as had been anticipated by Mr. C. and his 



HENRY CLAY. 87 

friends. The act of declaration was passed in the house 
on the 18th of June, and the president's proclamation of 
the actual existence of war, bears date of the 19th. The 
long expected step was now taken. Our country had, for 
years, contended, in vain, against the tyranny of her foe, 
and, at last, like the ancient Gaul, she threw her sword 
into the scale. 



8S BIOGRAPHY OF 



SECTION SECOND. 

The next session of congress commenced on the second 
day of November, 1812, and the president, in his annual 
message to the two houses, gave a rapid sketch of the 
events which had taken place during the recess. No 
means of establishing an honourable peace had been left 
untried by the American government. Within a single 
week after the declaration of war, Mr. Monroe, then 
secretary of state, wrote to Mr. Jonathan Russell, the 
American Minister at the Court of St. James, authorising 
him to agree to an armistice with the British government, 
on condition that the orders in council should be repealed, 
and the impressment of our seamen discontinued. Short- 
ly afterwards, Mr. Russell was empowered to stipulate for 
an armistice in general terms, w^ithout insisting upon an 
express agreement with regard to the chief points in con- 
troversy. His propositions were promptly rejected — reject- 
ed, too, with a sneer at our countrj', as being already sick 
of war. The enemy refused to treat with us, unless, as a 
preliminary step, we would recall our letters of marque 
and reprisal, and give orders for the suppression of all acts 
of hostility against British subjects and British property. 
Such a humiliation, though demanded by the clamours of 
a portion of the federal party, was not to be thought of, 
and, in order to prosecute the war with vigour, the presi 
dent suggested, in his message, the expediency of raising 
an additional military force. Such a measure seemed 
now indispensable. An army under General Hull, who, 
at the commencement of the war, was commissioned to 
make an attack upon the British provinces, had surrender- 
ed to an inferior force, under circumstances which strom^lv 



HENRY CLAr. S^ 

l>etokenecl either cowardice or treachery. This event had 
temporarily deprived us of the means of carrying the war 
into Canada, and thrown a partial gloom over the spirit of 
the country, notwithstanding our brilliant successes upon 
the ocean, and the glory which had crowned the American 
arms at Qiieenstown. 

Agreeably to the suggestions of the executive, the mili- 
tary committee of the house of representatives reported a 
bill, on the 24th of December, for raising an additional 
force of twenty thousand men. In the debate upon this 
bill, the supporters and opposers of the war rallied all their 
strength against each other, and discussed the general 
condition of the nation, and the whole policy of the 
American government. Few political conflicts were ever 
more deeply interesting, whether we consider the talent 
and character of the combatants, or the magnitude of the 
question upon which their rival powers were exerted. It 
depended on the issue of that conflict, whether the general 
government should, in the hour of trial, be deserted by the 
nation, and compelled to make a disgraceful peace, or fur- 
nished with the means of prosecuting the war with energy 
and might, and extorting just and honourable terms from 
our haughty foe. It was an encounter of intellect with 
intellect — a grappling of mind with mind — such as could 
not be contemplated v/ithout a noble swelling of the soul, 
even though it was known, that the issue of the struggle 
might be a nation's infamy. 

It would seem as if, after the declaration of war had 
been actually made, and the clash of bayonets, the ringing 
of swords, and the death-roar of artillery, had been borne 
upon the gale, all classes of American citizens — whatever 
had been their original feelings and predilections — would 
have united to bring the conflict to an honourable termi 
nation. Such was not the case. The enemies of the ad 

8* 



90 EroGRAPHY OF 

ministration had predicted defeat and disgrace, and they 
appeared willing to establish their reputation as soothsay- 
ers at the expense of their country — willing to barter the 
vast expansion of renown, that had been bequeathed them 
by the fathers of American Independence, for the gratifica- 
tion of their own partisan prejudices and resentments. 

The increase of the army was opposed by Messrs. 
Quincy, Randolph, Pitkin, and ten or twelve other gentle- 
men, with a strength, spirit, and perseverance, that would 
have borne any ordinary antagonist to the earth. Mr. 
Quincy, as in the case of the embargo, was probably the, 
strongest man in the opposition, and, with the exception 
of Mr. Randolph, certainly the most violent and abusive. 
His remarks, as recorded in the journals of congress, 
transirressed the utmost limits of the venial freedom of 
debate. Were it not that he has since evinced his integri- 
ty of purpose, by a life devoted to the great objects of vir- 
tue and patriotism, those who remember his course in 
1812, when he raised a parricidal hand against his coun- 
try, would be ready to brand him as a traitor. It is al- 
most wonderful, that the Genius of American Liberty, 
assailed as she was at that day, by her own gifted sons, 
had not muffled up her face, like the ancient Roman at 
the base of Pompej's statue, and sunk down, the heart- 
broken and unresisting victim of treachery. 

Mr. Quincy, in his attack upon the democratic members 
of the house — those who were advocates for supporting 
the war — forgot, in the excitement of the moment, every 
feeling of decorum and gcntlcmanlj' respect. He de- 
scribed them as " young politicians, with the pin-feathers 
yet unshed, and the shell still sticking upon them — per- 
fectly unfledged, though they fluttered and cackled upon 
the floor of congress — bloodhound-mongrels, who were 
kept in pay to hunt down all that opposed the court — a 



HENRY CLAY. 91 

pack of mang-j dogs of recent importation — their backs 
still sore with the stripes of European castigation, and 
their necks marked with the check collar." Again he 
spoke of them as " sycophants, fawning reptiles, wlx) 
crawled at the feet of the president, and left their filthy 
slime upon the carpet of the palace." 

Mr. Clay's castigation of Mr. Q,uincy for these disgust- 
ing and unprovoked personalities, was terrible — its parallel 
can scarce be found in the history of congressional en- 
counter. The time demanded that the reproaches of the 
opposition should be cast back upon them, and Mr. C se- 
lected their champion as the pecuUar object of retributive 
justice. Much as Mr. Q.. had been reprobated for his li- 
centious denunciations of his opponents, both friends and 
enemies were ready to pity him for the severity of his 
punishment. The flame descended upon his defenceless 
head, and, 

" Like the tall pine by lightnings riven," 

he shewed the marks of its blastings. It is due to his re- 
putation to add, that he became so heartily ashamed of 
the personalities by which his punishment had been pro- 
voked, that he procured the suppression of some of them, 
and the mitigation of others, in the printed copies of his 
speech. 

In the course of his remarks, Mr. Q. assailed, with bit- 
ter invective, the character of Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Claj^'s 
panegyric upon that exalted man — the man from whom 
he had learned his own political principles — is so eloquent 
and beautiful, that, although it was not immediately con- 
nected with the principal theme of discussion, it deserves 
to be recorded and remembered. The star of Mr. Jeffer- 
son's fame had reached its glorious culmination — but men 



')2 BIOGRAPHY OF 

were not wanting to attempt to dim its brightness with the 
murky vapours of their own pestilential breath. 

" Neither his retirement from public office, his eminent 
services, nor his advanced age, can exempt this patriot 
from the coarse assaults of party malevolence. In 1801, 
he snatched from the rude hand of usurpation the vio- 
lated constitution of his countrj'', and that is his crime. 
He preserved that instrument in form, and substance, and 
spirit, a precious inheritance for generations to come, and 
for this he can never be forgiven. How vain and impo- 
tent is party rage, directed against such a man ! He is 
not more elevated by his lofty residence upon the summnt 
of his own favourite mountain, than he is lifted by the 
serenity of his mind, and the consciousness of a well-spent 
life, above the malignant passions and bitter feelings of 
the dav. No ! his own beloved Monticello is not less 
moved by the storms that beat against its sides, than is 
this illustrious man, by the bowlings of the whole British 
pack, set loose from the Essex kennel ! When the gentle- 
man, to whom I have been compelled to allude, shall have 
mingled his dust with that of his abused ancestors, when 
he shall have been consigned to oblivion, or, if he lives at 
all, shall live only in the treasonable annals of a certain 
junto, the name of Jefferson will be hailed with gratitude, 
his memory honoured and cherished as the second founder 
of the liberties of the people, and the period of his adminis- 
tration will be looked back to, as one of the happiest and 
brightest epochs of American history — an Oasis in the 
midst of a sandy desert. But I beg the gentleman's par- 
don ; he has indeed secured to himself a more imperisha- 
ble fame than I had supposed ; I think it was about four 
years ago, that he submitted to the house of representatives 
an initiative proposition for an impeachment of Mr. Jeffer- 
son. The house condescended to consider it. The gen- 



HENRY CLAY. 93 

tleman debated it with his usual temper, moderaiion, and 
urbanity. The house decided upon it in the most solemn 
manner, and, although the gentleman had somewhere ob- 
tained a second, the final vote stood, one for, and one hun- 
dred and seventeen against, the proposition ! The sanie 
historick page that transmitted to posterity the virtue and 
the glory of Henry the Great of France, for their admira- 
tion and example, has preserved the infamous name of the 
frantick assassin of that excellent monarch. The same sa- 
cred pen that portrayed the sufferings and the crucifixion 
of the Saviour of mankind, has recorded, for universal exe- 
ci'ation, the name of him who was guilty, not of betray- 
ing his country, but (a kindred crime) of betraying his 
God." 

The prediction as to the feeling with which Mr. Jefifer- 
son's services would, in future years, be remembered, is 
already verified. A nation's blessing is resting, like a 
beautiful diadem, upon his name. It is true, that some 
have spoken reproachfullj^ of his memory, even since the 
time when, as if by a miracle, he was gathered, with a 
fellow patriarch, to his fathers, on the day which their 
united exertions had rendered the holiest in the American 
calendar. It is as if the uncircumcised Philistines had 
assembled under the fiery chariot of the Prophet, and 
howled their curses after him, while he was ascending into 
the bosom of his God. 

Mr. Claj-'s remarks upon these incidental topics of Mr. 
Gtuincy's speech, were merely a prelude to the bursts of 
elot]uence that were to follow — the trickling of the drop 
ere the breaking of the fountain. When he came to speak 
of the critical situation of the countrj- — of the power and 
spirit of our enemj^ — of the empyrean glory won for us in 
the days of the revolution, by those who poured out their 
life blood like rain as a sacrifice to liberty — of the concea 



94 BIOGRAPHY OF 

trated energies which were demanded for the maintenance 
of our honour and our rights — and of the degradation that 
would ever afterwards cling to us like a leprosy, if we 
yielded to the insolent and despotick requisitions of Great 
Britain — the house was electrified by his thrilling and 
passionate appeals. He spoke like a man conscious of 
his responsibility to the nation. At his bidding, the lurid 
cloud of war had closed over the land, and it now be- 
longed to him to teach his countrymen to breast the storm. 
He heard the voice of ages calling aloud upon his name, 
and his great spirit was stirred within him at the sound. 
No obstacle could ^successfully oppose him. His eloquence 
was a torrent-flood, sometimes rolling on in unobstructed 
magnificence, and then foaming, and roaring, and dashing 
through the severed mountain, while, ever and anon, the 
beautiful flashes of fancy and imagination shone up, amid 
the majestic manifestations of intellect and passion, 

" Like a bright Iris o'er the boiling surge." 

It has been said by those who listened to Mr. C.'s speech, 
tiiat his sarcasm upon the federalists was overwhelming. 
Every federal eye was bent in shame upon the floor, and 
the effect upon the party is represented to have been per- 
manent and salutary. The report that has been given of 
tliis portion of his remarks, is very imperfect, and it is ut- 
terly impossible, without having heard them, to form an 
adequate idea of their pungency. The sarcastic tone, the 
withering look, and the scornful gesture — these have 
passed away with the occasion, and cannot be imagined 
by those who are unacquainted with the manner of the 

orator. 

" The course of that opposition by which the administra- 
tion of the government has been unremittingly impede<l 
for the last twelve years, is singular, and, I believe, unex- 



HENRY CLAY. 95 

ampled in the history of any country. The administra- 
tion has not been forgetful of its solemn obligations. No 
art has been left unessayed — no experiment, promising a 
favourable result, left untried — to maintain the peaceful 
relations of the country. When, some six or seven years 
ago, the affairs of the nation assumed a threatening as- 
pect, a partial non-importation was adopted. As they 
grew more alarming, an embargo was imposed. It would 
have accomplished its purpose, but it was sacrificed upon 
the altar of concihation. Vain and fruitless attempt to 
propitiate! Then came along the non-intercourse; and a 
general non-importation followed in the train. In the 
mean time, any indications of a return to the public law 
and the path of justice, on the part of either belligerent, 
are seized upon with avidity by the administration — the 
arran2:ement with Mr. Erskine is concluded. It is first 
applauded, and then censured by the opposition. No 
matter with what unfeigned sincerity, with what real ef- 
fort, the administration cultivates peace, the opposition in- 
sist, that it alone is culpable for every breach that is made 
between the two countries. Restriction after restriction 
has been tried — negotiation has been resorted to, until fur- 
ther negotiation would have been disgraceful. Whilst 
these peaceful experiments are undergoing a trial, what is 
the conduct of the opposition ? They are the champions 
of war — the proud, the spirited, the sole repository of tlie 
nation's honour — the men of exclusive vigour and ener- 
gy. The administration, on the contrary, is weak, feeble, 
and pusillanimous — * incapable of being kicked into a 
war.' The maxim, * not a cent for tribute, millions for 
defence,' is loudly proclaimed. Is the administration for 
negotiation ? The opposition is tired, sick, disgusted with 
negotiation. They want to draw the sword and avenge 
the nation's wrongs. When, however, foreign nations, 



96 BIOGRAPHY OF 

perhaps emboldened by the very opposition here made, 
refuse to hsten to the amicable appeals which have been 
repeated and reiterated by the administration to their jus 
tice and to their interests — when, in fact, war with one of 
them has become identified with our existence and our 
sovereignty, and to abstain from it was no longer possible, 
behold the opposition veering round, and becoming the 
friends of peace and commerce. They tell you of the ca- 
lamities of war — its tragical events — the squandering away 
of your resources — the waste of the public treasure, and 
the spilling of innocent blood — ' Gorgons, hydras, and 
chimeras dire.' They tell you, that honour is an illusion ! 
Now we see them exhibiting the terrifick forms of the roar- 
ing king of the forest. Now the meekness and humility 
of the lamb ! They are for war and no restrictions, when 
the administration is for peace. They are for peace and 
restrictions, when the administration is for war. You 
find them tacking with every gale, displajdng the colours 
of every party and of all nations, steady only in one un- 
alterable purpose, to steer, if possible, into the haven of 
}X)wer." 

Mr. Clay's remarks upon the subject of the impressment 
of American seamen by Great Britain, constitute one of 
the finest appeals in the language, and have been exten- 
sively admired. It appears that, in 1776, congress passed 
a bill in favour of furnishing our seamen with certificates 
of citizenship, to prevent their being mistaken for British 
subjects. 

" We are told by gentlemen in the opposition, that go- 
vernment has not done all that was incumbent on it to do, 
to avoid just cause of complaint on the part of Great 
Britain ; that, in particular, the certificates of protection 
authorized by congress, are fraudulently used. Sir, go- 
vernment has done too much in granting those paper pro- 



HENRY CLAY. 97 

tections. I can never think of them without being shock- 
ed. They resemble the passes which the master grants to 
his negro slave, ' let the bearer, Mungo, pass and repass, 
without molestation.' What do they imply? That 
Great Britain has a right to seize all who are not provi- 
ded with them. From their very nature, they must be 
liable to abuse on both sides. If Great Britain desires a 
mark by which she can know her own subjects, let her 
give them an ear mark. The colours that float from the 
mast head, should be the credentials of our seamen. It is 
impossible that this country should ever abandon the gal- 
lant tars who have won for us such splendid trophies. 
Let me suppose, that the Genius of Columbia should visit 
one of them in his oppressor's prison, and attempt to recon- 
cile him to his forlorn and wretched condition. She 
would say to him, in the language of gentlemen on the 
other side, ' Great Britain intends you no harm ; she did 
not mean to impress you, but one of her own subjects; 
having taken you by mistake, I will remonstrate, and try 
to prevail on her, by peaceable means, to release you, but 
I cannot, my son, fight for you.' If he did not consider 
this mere mockery, the poor tar would address her judge- 
ment, and say, 'You owe me, my country, protection; I 
owe you, in return, obedience, t am no British subject — I 
am a native of old Massachusetts, where live my aged 
father, my wife, my children. I have faithfully dis- 
charged my duty. Will you refuse to do yours V Ap- 
pealing to her passions, he would continue, ' I lost this 
eye in fighting under Truxton, with the Insurgente; I 
got this scar before Tripoli; I broke this leg on board the 
Constitution, when the Guerrier struck.' " There was 
something in the impassioned gesture and pathetick tone 

of utterance which distinguished this appeal, that the 

o 



98 BIOGRAPHY OF 

feeling which dictated it passed from man to man, as if 
one mysterious chain of sympathy connected every bosom. 
The editor of the National Intelligencer declares, that 
the pathetick effect produced by the appeal, admits not 
of description. Although the day was extremely cold, 
so cold that Mr. Clay, for the only time in his life, was 
unable to keep himself warm by the exercise of speaking, 
there were few individuals in the house who did not bear 
witness, by their streaming eyes, to the orator's control 
over their sensibilities. Members of both political parties 
— men whose patriotick souls had been sustained by his 
eloquence, and those who had been writhing and ago- 
nizing under his indignation — forgot their antipathies and 
wept together. This has always been one of Mr. C.'s re- 
markable powers. He is such a perfect master of the lan- 
guage, tone, and look of passion, he addresses himself to 
the deeper feelings with such mysterious skill, 

" Untwisting all the chains that tie 
The hidden soul of sympathy," 

that opposing spirits feel the influence of his power, and, 
"like kindred drops, are mingled into one." 

The principal point upon which the federalists insisted, 
in their opposition to the army bill, was the injustice and 
impolicy of invading Canada — the object for which the 
additional military force was proposed to be made. Mr. 
duincy contended, at great length, that to attack the Ca- 
nadians would be wanton, senseless, and cruel — that these 
people and the citizens of the United States had lived in 
the constant reciprocation of friendly and tender offices — 
that, as enemies, we had nothing to fear from them — that 
to grasp at their possessions for the offences of Great Bri- 



HENRY CLAY. 99 

tain, would be an act worthy only of politicians who wor- 
shipped in the temple where Condorcet was priest, and 
Machiavel, God — that the defeat of our armies was ce- 
lestial glory in comparison with it — and that the yeoman- 
ry of the country would listen to the winding of the horn, 
that should call them on such an expedition, with as much 
apathy as they would hear the music of a banjoo or a 
jews-harp. 

To these considerations Mr. Clay replied with great 
force, and with complete triumph. " Canada," exclaimed 
he, " innocent ! Canada unoffending ! Is it not in Cana- 
da, that the tomahawk of the savage has been moulded 
into its death-like form 1 Has it not been from Canadian 
magazines, Maiden and others, that those supplies have 
been issued, which nourish and continue the Indian hos- 
tilities ? Supplies, which have enabled the savage hordes 
to butcher the garrison of Chicago, and to commit other 
horrid excesses and murders ? Was it not by the joint 
co-operation of Canadians and Indians, that a remote 
American fort, Michilimackinack, was assailed and re- 
duced, while in ignorance of a state of war ? What does 
a state of war present ? The united energies of one peo- 
ple arrayed against the combined energies of another — a 
conflict, in which each party aims to inflict all the injury 
it can, by sea and land, upon the territories, property, and 
citizens of the other, subject only to the rules of mitigated 
war practised by civilized nations. The gentleman would 
not touch the continental provinces of the enemy, nor, I 
presume, for the same reason, her possessions in the West 
Indies. The same humane spirit would spare the seamen 
and soldiers of the enemy. The sacred person must not be 
attacked, for the learned gentlemen on the other side, are 
quite familiar with the maxim, that the king can do no 
wrong. Indeed. I know of no person, on whom we may 

LOfC. 



100 BIOGRAPHY OF 

make war, upon the principles of the honourable gentle- 
man, but Mr. Stephen, the celebrated author of the Orders 
in Council, or the board of admiralty, who authorize and 
regulate the practice of impressment !" 

" An honourable peace is attainable only by an efficient 
war. My plan would be to call out the ample resources 
of the country, give them a judicious direction, prosecute 
the war with the utmost vigour, strike wherever we can 
reach the enemy, at sea or on land, and negotiate the 
terms of a peace at Quebec or Halifax. In such a cause, 
with the aid of Providence, we must come out crowned 
with success ; but, if we fail, let us fail like men, lash our- 
selves to our gallant tars, and expire together in one com- 
mon strufforle, fifrhtino- for free trade and seamen's risrhts." 

We have no room for the great body of this speech, nor 
are we willing to impair the strength and force of the main 
argument by the exhibition of its disjointed parts. The 
character of the whole display can best be learned from 
its effects. These were all-powerful. In giving to con- 
gress new energies and a new soul, the speech exerted al- 
most a creative power. The opposition to the war was 
paralj'zed, and became, at once, feeble and inefficient. 
Bills for raising military forces were passed without a dis- 
senting vote. A noble and enthusiastick feeling was dif- 
fused throughout the country. Publick opinion was, far 
and wide, aroused in favour of the war, and its majestick 
roar shook down the unconsecrated temples of treason, and 
bared their secrets to the light of heaven. Patriot an- 
swered aloud to patriot — the sentinels of freedom caught 
up the watch-word — from town to town the signal-fires 
flashed free — and all things proclaimed, that the spirit of 
the country was up for glory. 

Mr. Clay continued in congress, ministering, on all oc- 
casions, to the martial energies of his countrymen, until 



HENRY CLAY. lOI 

January, 1814, when, in consideration of his matchless 
services, his thorough knowledge of American rights, and 
the zeal he had shown in their defence, he was appointed 
one of the commissioners to negotiate a treaty of peace. 
The official duties which now devolved upon him, required 
him to resign the speaker's chair. At this time, his influ- 
ence in the house of representatives was equal to that which 
he had exercised, some years before, in the legislature of 
his adopted state. His friends and his enemies agree in 
the remark, that his power was almost unlimited. His 
party was a majority in the house, and, so unbounded was 
the confidence which its members reposed in his wisdom 
and integrity, that he could sway them by a motion of his 
hand. Whenever the course of a discussion failed to meet 
his approbation, he descended from the chair, and, by 
mingling in the debate, gave, at once, a new character to 
the proceedings. His resignation was tendered on the 
sixteenth of Januarj^, and accompanied by a beautiful and 
affecting speech, which touched every heart in the Assem- 
bly, and unsealed many a fountain of tears. In the gene- 
rous feelingsof the hour, even the federalists wept freely, 
that a master-spnit was going out from among them. A 
resolution, thanking him in fervid language for the impar- 
tiality with which he had administered the arduous duties 
of office, was passed almost unanunously — only eight or 
nine members voting against it. Probably there was no" 
other man in the nation, who, at that stormy period, could 
have presided with such signal energy over the delibera- 
tions of the popular branch of congress, and yet have 
commanded the approbation of so vast a majority of both 
political parties. 



102 BIOGRAPHY OF 



SECTION THIRD. 

The negotiations for peace, which were commenced to- 
ward the close of 1813, had their origin, in a proposition 
of Alexander, the emperor of Russia, to act as a mediator 
between the two belligerent powers. Great Britain declined 
the mediation of the emperor, alleging, that the causes 
which had led to the declaration of war, involved certain 
maritime and internal resrulations of the British realm, 
which could not properly be submitted to the arbitrament 
of any foreign power, but, at the same time, she expressed 
an entire willingness to negotiate directly with the Ameri- 
can Plenipotentiaries, either at London, or any other con- 
venient place, on which the two governments might agree. 
No objection was made to this proposal, and our commis- 
sioners, Henry Claj'', John Q,. Adams, James A. Bayard, 
Albert Gallatin, and Jonathan Russell, were directed to pro- 
ceed to Gottenburg, the place first designated, from whence 
the negotiation was after^vards transferred to Ghent, where 
they met the British commissioners. Lord Gambler, Henry 
Goulburn, and William Adams. At the first interview, the 
negotiation was opened on the part of the British commission- 
ers, by the expression of an ardent desire for the cessation of 
hostilities, and an assurance that their c:overnment was 
ready to do every thing consistent with national honour, 
for the purpose of effecting an object so desirable. Mr. 
Adams, in behalf of the commissioners of the United 
States, and the government under which they acted, ex- 
pressed an entire reciprocation of these sentiments, and a 
disposition to lay the foundation of peace, upon just and 
liberal grounds. ' 



HENRY CLAY. 103 

The puLlick are necessarily less familiar with the details 
of Mr. Clay's services at Ghent, than with the other inci- 
dents of his political life ; but no one doubts that he carried 
with him, into the foreign councils of his country, the same 
high-mindedness and expansion of intellect, that have been 
with him, like attendant spirits of good, in every visible 
l^art of his career. It has been stated, on the highest 
authority, that, in the verbal discussions which took place 
between the representatives of the two countries, as well as 
in those which were confined to the American commis- 
sioners^ a very conspicuous part was always performed by 
Mr. Clay. For this he was peculiarly qualified by the 
exceeding readiness and soundness of his thoughts, the 
fluency and force with which he imparted them, and the 
unconquerable array of argument which he could, at all 
times, call to their support. One of his colleagues. Mi*. 
Adams, had long been a publick man, and, for logical 
acuteness, and extent and accuracy of diplomatick know- 
ledge, was perhaps never surpassed by any statesman of any 
age ; another of them, Mr. Gallatin, was a man of great 
and varied experience and attainments, acute, subtle, and 
powerful; and a third, Mr. Bayard, had been, during a 
long course of years, an eminent and eloquent debater in 
the national legislature ; but, without disparaging the well- 
established fame of either of these gentlemen, we may be 
allowed to say of Mr. Clay, that he Was superiour to them 
in oral debate, and consequently better fitted to exercise a 
controlling power over the character of the negotiations. 

Plural commissions, constituted for diplomatick service, 
are most frequently liable to divisions and dissentions 
among the members. The cause is to be found in the dif- 
ference of tempers, dispositions, and attainments, and in 
those jealousies to which most men are too often prone. 
In the Ghent commission, however, although composed of 



101 BIOGRAPHY OF 

an unusual number of members, an extraordinary degree 
of harmony prevailed. On account of their remoteness 
from their own country, and the consequent difficulty of 
free and frequent intercourse with their government, they 
laboured under a great disadvantage, to which the British 
commissioners were not exposed. The former were often 
thrown upon their own responsibility, and this was espe- 
cially the case, when they decided, at an early stage of 
the negotiation, to reject the sine qua non of the British 
government— a step which might have led to a rupture of 
the negotiation, and an indefinite protraction of the war. 
Great, however, as was their responsibility, they did not 
shrink from it. The representatives of Great Britain, on 
the other hand, transmitted every important note which 
they received from those of the United States, to the British 
ministry, and obtained, in substance, if not in express 
tei-ms, the answer which they were to return. Thus the 
American representatives were treating* in fact, wuh the 
whole British ministry. How honourably they acquitted 
themselves, has been decided by the united voice of Eu- 
rope and America. Their superiority in the correspond- 
ence was admitted in the house of lords. We do not 
profess to know by whom each of the several state pa- 
lmers addressed by them to the British plenipotentiaries was 
written, but it would be difficult for any man to read the 
whole series, without being convinced, that the honoura- 
ble peace, in which the correspondence resulted, is to be 
ascribed almost as much to the sagacity and fidelity of our 
commissioners, as to the bravery of our soldiers, and the 
memorable exploits of our gallant mariners. In manli- 
mss, strength, and classick purity of style, in extent and 
compass of disquisition, and in richness and felicity of il- 
lustration, those papers admit of a favourable comparison 
with the best political essays m the English language. 



HENRY CLAY. 105 

if is not within our province, at this time, to dwell at 
length upon the debated which took place at Ghent on 
the various differences between the United States and 
Great Britain. The terms of the peace are generally 
understood. On one point alone, during the progress of 
the negotiation, did any serious division arise among the 
American commissioners, and that related to the fisheries, 
and the navigation of the Mississippi river. As Mr. Clay 
was the most prominent man in the discussion, and as the 
publications, to which it afterwards gave rise, have been 
the occasion of much popular excitement, it is, perhaps, our 
duty to give a concise statement of the circumstances 
under which it occurred. 

By the third article of the definitive treaty of peace of 
1783, between Great Britain and the United States, it was 
stipulated by the contracting parties, '' that the people of 
the United States should continue to enjoy unmolested the 
right to take fish of every kind on the Grand Bank, and 
on all the other banks of Newfoundland ; also, in the Gulf 
of St. Lawrence, and all other places in the sea, where 
the inhabitants of both countries had used at any time to 
fish; and also, that ike inhabitants of the United States 
should have liberty to take fish of every kind on such pari of 
the coast of Newfoundland as British fishermen might use, 
{but not to dry or cure the same on that islajid,) and also 
071 the coasts, ba^ys, and creeks of all other of his Britannick 
majesty's dominions in America ; and that the American 
fishermen should have liberty to dry and cure fish in any 
af the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of Nova Scotia, 
Magdalen Islands, and Labrador, so long as the same 
might remain unsettled ; but, so soon as the same, or either 
of them, should be settled, it should not be lanful for the. 
said fishermen to dry or cure fish at such settlement^ without 



106 BIOGRAPHY OP 

a previous agreemeiit for that purpose with the inhabitants, 
proprietors^ or possessors of the groundP 

By the eighth article of the same treaty, the parties 
further contracted, that " the navigation of the river Mis- 
sissippi, from its source to the ocean, should ever remain 
free and open to the subjects of Great Britain and the citi- 
zens of the United States." 

In the treaty of 1794, negotiated by Mr. Jay, it was fur- 
ther stipulated, that the river Mississippi should, according 
to the previous treaty of peace, be entirely open to both 
parties ; and, '' that all the ports and places on its eastern 
side, to whichsoever of the parties belonging, might be 
freely resorted to and used by both parties, in as ample a 
manner as any of the Atlantick ports or places of the Uni- 
ted States, or any of the ports or places of his majesty in 
Great Britain." 

At the date of both these treaties, Spain possessed the 
sovereignty of the entire western side of the Mississippi, 
from its mouth to its source ; and of both sides from its 
mouth to the thirty-first degree of north latitude. From 
that point to the source of the river, the residue of the 
eastern side belonged to the United States, but an errone- 
ous opinion prevailed, that the British territory would in- 
clude a small portion of the upper part of it, when the line 
came to be marked from the Lake of the Woods, as provi- 
ded in the definitive treaty of peace. 

The United States and Great Britain, therefore, being 
regarded as the sovereigns of only a part of one bank of 
tlie river, and Spain being the exclusi\'e sovereign, of its 
mouth, a stipulation for its free navigation between the 
two first-named parties, even allowing them all the terri- 
tory they claimed, could operate so far only as the con- 
tracting parties themselves had a right to give it effect, 
that is, to the extent of their respective territories border- 



HENRY CLAY. 107 

ing on the river. If they had a right to navigate it within 
the jurisdiction of Spain, that right could not be founded 
upon their compact, but upon the laws of nature, which 
give to nations, who inhabit the banks of the upper part of 
a river, the right of free access to and from the ocean, al- 
though a different nation may be the sovereign of the 
mouth of the river. 

The situation of the United States and Great Britain, 
at the epoch of the treaty of Ghent, was totally different 
both from what it was in fact, and from what it was sup 
posed to be, at the dates of the treaties of 1783 and 1794. 
Subsequently to this latter period, in 1803, the United 
States acquired by treaty the province of Louisiana, and, 
consequently, obtained all the previous rights of Spain in 
regard to the Mississippi. Further, prior to the treaty of 
Ghent, it had been ascertained, that the British line, de- 
signated in the treaty of 1783, to run from the Lake of 
the Woods to the Mississippi, would not strike that river 
at all, but would pass above its source. Thus the United 
States were, at the period of the treaty of Ghent, the sole 
and exclusive proprietors of the river Mississippi, from its 
mouth to its source. It being within their jurisdiction 
alone. Great Britain had now no more right to demand 
its free navigation, than she had to demand that of the 
Hudson, or any other river of the United States. 

The American government had been informed prior to 
the preparation of instructions for the commissioners at 
Ghent, that Great Britain intended to attempt our exclu- 
sion from the fisheries ; and the commissioners were in- 
structed not to allow our rights to be brought into discus- 
sion. They were further instructed, not to renew the sti- 
pulation in Jays treaty, by which each party was allowed 
to trade with the Indians inhabiting the territory of the 
other, nor to grant to the subjects of Great Britain the 



108 BIOGRAPHY OF 

right to the navigation of any river exclusively within 
our jurisdiction. 

At an early period of the negotiation at Ghent, the Bri- 
tish notified the American commissioners, that they would 
not agree, without an equivalent, to the renewal of our li- 
berty to catch, and cure, and dry fish, within the British 
exclusive jurisdiction ; but they did not contest our right 
to fish on the high seas, or the Grand Bank, and other 
banks of Newfoundland. 

When the American commissioners were engaged in 
preparing the project of a treaty to be offered to the other 
party, a question, in consequence of the above notifica- 
tion, arose among them, as to what should be proposed in 
regard to the fisheries. They appear to have been divided 
on the point, whether the contract in relation to the fishe- 
ries, in the treaty of 1783, expired with the breaking out 
of the war, or whether, from the peculiar nature of that 
treaty, being one by which an empire was severed, and a 
new power acknowledged, the stipulation did not survive 
the war. Mr. Clay, and perhaps all the other commis- 
sioners except Mr. Adams, believed that the general rule 
of the public law applied to the case, and that the stipu- 
lation ceased with the declaration of war. Mr. Adams 
entertained the contrary opinion. All were, of course, 
desirous that we should not lose any right or liberty which 
we had enjoyed prior to the commencement of hostilities ; 
and it is clear that, if the stipulation in question survived 
the war, and was, from its nature, imperishable, no new 
stipulation was necessary to its validity. 

In consequence, probably, of the doubt on this subject, 
Mr. Gallatin proposed to insert, in the project of a treaty, 
an article, providing for the renewal, on the one hand, of 
the rights and liberties to us in the fisheries, and, on the 
other, of the right to the navigation of the Mississippi 



HENRY CLAY. 109 

to Great Britain, as had been provided for in the treaty of 
1783. To the introduction of such an article Mr. Clay 
objected, and a long^ animated, and anxious discussion en- 
sued, conducted principally by Mr. Gallatin on the one 
side, and Mr. Clay on the other. It is described by Mr. C. 
in a letter addressed, in 1822, to Jonathan Russell, one of 
the cominissioners, and since published by the latter, in 
violation of the confidence (1) in which it was addressed 
to him. 

Finally, upon taking the vote, whether the navigation 
of the Mississippi should be ofTered to Great Britain, as 
an equivalent for the fisheries, Messrs. Adams, Gallatin, 
and Bayard, were in favour of it, and Messrs. Clay and 
Russell against it. Upon perceiving the state of the vote, 
Mr. Clay informed his colleagues, that he felt in candour 
bound to say to them, that he would affix his signature to 
no treaty which contained such an offer. After this de- 
claration, Mr. Bayard left the majority ; and, uniting with 
Messrs. Clay and Russell, made a majority against the 
insertion of the proposed article, and therefore it was not 
inserted. 

The arguments which were urged on this interesting 
occasion, are no where stated at full length. They can 
only be gleaned from documents, inferred from the nature 
of the subject, or ascertained from the testimony of the 
commissioners themselves. 

We have been informed by the friends of the commis- 
sioners, that- in behalf of the article it was contended, that 
the Americans ought not to come out of the war with the 
loss or jeopardy of any right or liberty, that appertained 
to the nation prior to its commencement ; that it was, at 
least, possible, that such would be the fact, if the treaty 

(1) See Appendix. 
10 



110 BIOGRAPHY OP 

were silent in regard to the fisheries; that, in such case, 
a powerful opposition to the general government would be 
furnished with a plausible pretext fpr abusing the admi- 
nistration ; that the right of navigation of the Mississippi, 
the contemplated equivalent to the British for the grant to 
us of a right in the fisheries within their exclusive juris- 
diction, was one which had not been, and could not be, 
used to our prejudice; that the instructions from our go- 
vernment not to let our right to the fisheries be brought 
into discussion, related generally to the whole affair of the 
fisheries, without discrimmating between those which ex- 
isted on the high seas, and those within the British exclu- 
sive jurisdiction ; and that, if the American government 
had received the notification which had been given to the 
American commissioners, respecting the exercise of the 
fishing liberty within the British jurisdiction, authority 
would probably have been given for the article proposed. 
Mr. Clay insisted, on the other side, tha,t, as the Missis- 
sippi was exclusively within our jurisdiction, the article 
could not be proposed without a positive violation of the 
instructions of government ; that, if the government had 
been acquainted with the notification given to the Ameri- 
can com.missioners, it was by no means certain, but highly'- 
improbable, that authority would have been given to re- 
new the privilege of navigating the Mississippi, in consi- 
deration of the renewal of our right to the fisheries ; that 
there was no connexion between the Mississippi and the 
fisheries — none in the treaty of 1783 — none in their na- 
ture — and they were as remote from each other in their 
local situation, as they were distinct in their nature ; that, 
if Great Britain had not, prior to that period, availed her- 
self of the stipulation in the treaties of 1783 and 1794. 
it might have been because of the obstacles presented by 
Spain, who had denied the United States the right of na- 



HENRY CLAY. Ill 

vigation until the year 1795, and shortly afterward inter- 
rupted it; that, from the period of 1803, when, by the 
treaty of Louisiana, we acquired the incontestible right to 
the navigation, our relations with Great Britain had been, 
during a great part of the time, such as not to admit of 
her enjoying it ; that the right to navigate the Mississippi, 
Avould give Great Britain free access to the Indians of the 
north-west, and we knew, by past experience, that she 
might exert an influence over them, to annoy and harass 
our frontiers ; that it was wrong to select, from all the ri- 
vers of the United States, the noblest, and to subject it, 
altogether within our limits, to conditions from which all 
others are free ; that the United States, now, by the acqui 
sition of Louisiana, stood on grounds totally different 
from those which they occupied in 1783 and 1794; that, 
as Great Britain was now known to have no territory bor- 
dering on the river, she could have no pretence for asking 
its navigation, which would not apply to the Potomac or 
any other American river, and she could not ask it but for 
unfriendly or improper purposes; that the people of the 
west had always been justly sensitive to whatever related 
to the navigation of the Mississippi, and would regard the 
proposed article as an unnecessary sacrifice of a para- 
mount interest of theirs, for an object with which it had 
no sort of connexion ; that the liberty of fishing within 
the British jurisdiction, in question, was restricted and con- 
tingent — our fishermen not being at liberty to cure and 
dry fish on the island of Newfoundland, or on the unset- 
tled bays, harbours, and creeks of Nova-Scotia, Magdalen 
islands, and Labrador, except so long as they remained 
unsettled, without the permission of the inhabitants ; and , 
that it was best for the commissioners to conform to in- 
structions, and depend on future negotiation. 

It has been already stated, that a majority, by the ac- 



112 BIOGRAPHY OF 

cession of Mr. Bayard, decided not to offer the proposed 
article. In lieu of it, they adopted the following clause 
in their note to the British commissioners, prepared and 
proposed by Mr. Clay : 

" In answer to the declaration made by the British ple- 
nipotentiaries, respecting the fisheries, the undersigned, 
referring to what passed in the conference of the 8th of 
August, can only state, that they are not authorized to 
bring into discussion any of the rights or liberties which 
the United States have heretofore enjoyed in relation 
thereto. From their nature, and from the peculiar charac- 
ter of the treaty of 1783, by which they were recognized, 
no further stipulation has been deemed necessary by the 
government of the United States, to entitle them to the 
full enjoyment of all of them." 

Subsequently, the British commissioners returned their 
counter project of a treaty, among the articles of which 
was one proposing to renew to the British nation the 
right to navigate the Mississippi, without any equiva- 
lent. Upon consideration of this article by the American 
commissioners, the question arose, what answer should be 
given to it. Mr. Clay proposed that it should be stricken 
out, and not made a part of the treaty j but the same ma- 
jority which had been originally in favour of coupling the 
fisheries and the navigation of the Mississippi together, were 
again in favour of accepting the British article, with the 
condition that there should be a renewal of all our rights 
and liberties in the fisheries, as they existed by the treaty 
of 1783. Mr. Clay having previously announced his set- 
tled purpose to subscribe no treaty which should compre- 
hend such an article, did not repeat the annunciation of 
his unalterable determination, lest it should be under- 
stood as a menace. Upon the proposition of the article, 
with its modificatioii, the British commissioners declined 



a-ccepting it ; and it was then concluded to abstain from 
inserting any article in the treaty, in respect either to the 
fisheries, or the navigation of the Mississippi. 

Thus was the father of rivers forever, it is to be hoped, 
released from all foreign incumbrance in respect to naviga- 
tion ; whilst, on the other hand, by a treaty with Great 
Britain, concluded in 1818, the American right to the 
fisheries was satisfactorily secured. Tn this, as in almost 
every other instance, time has demonstrated the wisdom 
of the policy insisted on by Mr. Clay. Although the suc- 
cess of that policy was owing less to the co-operation of 
his colleagues than to the obstinacy of the British pleni- 
potentiaries, his merit in defending it is not to be underva- 
lued on that account. The views which wer^ taken by 
him in 1814, are now the views of the American people. 
The- importance to our country of the exclusive naviga- 
tion of the Mississippi, is, at present, properly appreciated ; 
and we may safely say, that its navigation could not now 
be obtained by Great Britain, in exchange for the most 
valuable privilege in her gift. It should be recorded, in 
honour of Mr. Clay's liberality of feeling, that although 
a majority of the commissioners had been opposed to him 
on the subject of the Mississippi, he did ample justice to 
the purity of their motives, in a speech which he delivered 
in Congress, during the session of 1815 — 16. 

The negotiation of the treaty of Ghent may be safely 
pronounced one of the most successful in the history of 
our foreign relations. It was concluded at a time when 
the whole power of Britain was directed against us — a 
power which had wrestled single handed with half the 
nations of Europe. The star of Napoleon had gone 
down, not, indeed, forever — ^but to rise only with that 
sickly and ominous glare which was quenched on the 
plains of Belgium. The ambition which had threatened 

10* 



114 BIOGRAPHY OF 

England with irresistible invasion, was no longer to he 
dreaded; and our country was left to contend with the 
colossal strength of an enemy, which had torn the diadem 
from the brow of the hero of Austerlitz, and shaken asun- 
der the confederation of the Rhine. Under such circum- 
stances it was, in truth, a responsible and an unwelcome 
task, to negotiate a treaty of peace and amity with the 
commissioners of Great Britain. But the result has 
proved, that this task, difficult as it may have been, was 
wisely and faithfully executed. The honour of our coun- 
try was preserved;— the objects for which we had contended 
were secured by the general spirit, if not by the letter of 
the treaty ; and the clamours of faction were hushed into 
silence, by the honourable termination of a struggle, 
which had been denounced as the certain precursor of our 

downfall. 

It is to be regretted, that a controversy of an unplea- 
sant nature should have since arisen between two of the 
distimjuished commissioners of the United States, in refe- 
rence°to this treaty. We shall enter upon the subject of 
this controversy only so far as it relates to Mr. Clay. 

On the day after the signing of the treaty of Ghent, 
our commissioners wrote a joint letter to the Secretary 
of State, explanatory of the course they had taken du- 
ring the latter part of the negotiation ; and containing 
a concise and summary narrative of the proceedhigs of 
the mission in relation to the fisheries and the navigation 
of the Mississippi. That part of the letter which referred 
to the offer of the navigation, was made to read, as an 
offei- by a majority only of the American mission. The 
word " majoritf was inserted through the agency of Mr. 
Russell, at the desire of Mr. Clay. In a letter of the same 
date, to the Secretary, Mr. Russel acknowledged that he 
was in the minority on that question, and reserved to him- 



HENRY CLAY. 115 

self the power of stating his reasons for differing from his 
colleagues. These reasons were given by him in a letter, 
written at a subsequent period. 

At the ratification of the treaty of peace, only a part of 
the coiTespondence of the negotiators was given to the 
publick. The rest remained safely locked up in the ar- 
chives of the government; until the spring of 1822, when 
a call was made for it by the house of representatives, and 
soon after for the letter of Mr. Russell, where he assigned 
his reasons for differing from the majority of his col- 
leagues on the subject above mentioned. In answer to 
this latter call, the president, in his message to the house, 
stated that no letter or communication of that description 
was on file in the state department, but that he had found 
one among his own papers. Prior to this discovery, Mr. 
Russell delivered to the secretary of state a document, pur- 
porting to be the duplicate of the one found among the 
private papers of the president. Both of these letters 
were transmitted to the house, together with some remarks 
from Mr. Adams, explanatory of the views of a majority 
of the negotiators, and in vindication of their conduct. 
To this Mr. Russell replied, through the columns of a pub- 
lic paper ; and in turn called out Mr. Adams, through a 
similar medium. The disputants were severe upon each 
other ; but neither the conduct nor the motives of Mr. 
Clay were impeached by either. Both seemed to consider 
that he had acted well the part v/hich his country had as- 
signed him. Some errors, however, into which Mr. Ad- 
ams had fallen, relative to the part which Mr. Clay had 
taken, in regard to the navigation of the Mississippi and 
the fisheries, were alluded to by the latter in a brief note, 
published in the Washington Intelligencer, in 1822. Ir 
this note, Mr. Clay declared himself unwilling, at a time 
so unpropitious to calm and dispassionate investigation, to 



116 BIOGRAPHY OF 

enter into the particulars of the Ghent neg-otiation, and 
stated, that under such circumstances he would not even 
be provoked into a controversy with either of his late col- 
leagues. He intimated, however, that at a season better 
suited to deliberation and reflection, he would give his 
views to the publick. 

We have been informed by the intimate friends of Mr. 
Clsiy, that he considers the partial pledge given by him 
to the publick, to have been redeemed by the unauthorized 
publication, in the autumn of 1828, of his private corres- 
pondence with Mr, Russell. In that correspondence, Mr. 
Clay states, with a characteristick frankness, the views he 
entertained at Ghent, of the nature of the treaty of peace 
of 1783 with Great Britain, and of the effects producetl 
upon the stipulations of that treaty, by a declaration of 
war. He speaks of the discussions among the American 
commissioners, respecting the fisheries, and the navigation 
of the river Mississippi, and of the part taken by him in 
those discussions. But although differing from a majo- 
rity of the mission on some points, especially from Mr. 
Adams, he no where impugns the integrity, the honesty, 
or patriotism of their motives. 



HENRY CLAY. 117 



PART THIRD. 

SECTION FIRST. 

On the return of Mr. Clay to America, after the discharge 
of his important mission, he was every where received 
with tjie Hveliest demonstrations of gratitude. In Ken- 
tucky, in particular, the tide of feeling in his favour waa 
high and irresistible. Even before his arrival, he was 
unanimously elected a member of congress from the dis- 
trict he had formerly represented. But some doubts ari- 
sing as to the legality of his election, while absent from, 
the country, a new one was ordered, which resulted in a 
similar expression of the popular will. At the commence- 
ment of the next session of congress, he was elected 
speaker of the house by an almost unanimous vote. 

Although the return of peace had brought gladness to al- 
most every bosom, and had been hailed by illuminations,.bon-' 
fires, and thanksgivings, yet a high and an important duty 
remained to be performed by the representatives of the na- 
tion. The publick credit was impaired — the circulating 
medium disordered — the paper currency depreciated — a 
large debt was to be liquidated. A multitude of laws, 
which had been passed during the embargo, non-inter- 
course, and war, were to be repealed, and new ones enacted, 
better suited to the chancce in our national condition. Tlis 
army and the navy were to be regulated by a proper 
l^eace establishment. In addition, new interests had risen 
up, which loudly called for governmental protection. Our 
relative situation was changed. The pacification of all 
Europe, by the prostration of the power of Napoleon, had 
left the nations at liberty to cultivate the arts of peace, 
and call forth their own internal resources. We could no 
longer enjoy the carrying trade without competition, oj 



^g BIOGRAPHY OF 

supply the markets of the whole world with the rich and 
varied productions of our soil. .■ „f 

Such was the condition of our affairs at the i:oeetmg of 
the memorable congress of 1815-16. The first business 
that invited its attention was the restoration of the na- 
tional currency to a sound condition. Various projects 
had been recommended, but none of them had been cai- 
ried into effect, or if carried into effect, had failed to pro- 
duce the desired result. At the opening of the session, 
Mr Madison, in his message, called the attention of con- 
■rress to this subject, and suggested to their consideration 
the propriety of establishing a bank. The sad experience 
of four years, had convinced him and many of his distm- 
guished political coadjutors, that our currency could never 
be kept in a healthy state, or our publick revenue collected 
and disbursed with facility, without the assistance of such 
ai. institution. The subject was referred to its appropriate 
committee ; and in January, 1816, Mr. Calhoun, the chair- 
s^an of that committee, reported a bill for the establish- 

ment of a national bank. . , o, , LnH 

Mr Clay, while a member of the senate, m 1b 11, had 
■ ojioosed the re-chartering of the old bank, for reasons 
^hich have already been assigned; but this did not pre- 
vent him from giving an active support to the bill before 
the house His reasons for opposition in the one case, and 
for support in the other, must be obvious to every man ac- 
Quainted with our political history. 

In 1811, seven tenths of the capital of the old bank was 
owned by the inhabitants of England, and by members 
of the federal party. It was natural, therefore, that the 
republican party should look with distrust upon a "leasure^ 
Ztwas maiiUy to benefit Englishmen, and those who 
had the reputation of being the friends of Englishmen. 
The subject came up for discussion and deliberation at a 



HENRY CLAY. 119 

most difficult crisis. It was durinjr the time of our com- 
mercial restrictions, when the leaders of the federal party 
had made it a fixed principle of action to oppose every 
measure of the government, and apologize for every act 
of British aggression, however oppressive to our com- 
merce — however destructive to the liberties and lives of 
our citizens. To re-charter the bank was a federal mea- 
sure, and would place a vast engine of power in federal 
hands. It shared the unpopularity of the party which 
had brought it into existence, and sustained its operations. 

In 1816 the times had changed, and men, in a measure, 
had changed with them. At the return of peace, the 
causes of party division were removed, and our legislators 
had nothing to do but to unite in a common cause — the 
promotion of the prosperity and liappiness of the Union. 

During the war, the different state legislatures, go- 
verned by a short-sighted policy, had created a multitude 
of banking corporations, with powers to issue their bills 
to an almost unlimited amount, without being under any 
compulsion to redeem those bills by specie payments. In 
the course of a few j'^ears, they had increased the paper 
currency of the country from ninety to two hundred mil- 
lions of dollars. This, connected with a ■ suspension of 
specie payments, occasioned a great depreciation in the 
value of the circulating medium — impaired both public 
and private credit, and almost arrested the fiscal opera- 
tions of the general government. Relative rights were 
destroyed ; and the constitution was virtually violated in 
that article, which provides for a uniformity of taxation 
throughout the United States ; for there could be no 
uniformity in this particular, so long as the relative value 
of bank notes differed in various places more than twenty 
per cent, on the dollar. In this state of our affairs, it was 
evidently the duty of congress to exercise its constitu- 



120 BIOGRAPHY OF 

tional powers, for the restoration of the currency of the 
country to a heaUhy condition. This was done; and 
by means of the bank of the United States, a circulating 
medium has been estabhshed, preferable to that of gold 
and silver. 

When the bill for the establishment of the bank was 
before the committee of the whole house, Mr. Clay deli- 
vered at length his sentiments in favour of its principles 
and its details. His speech was elaborate and argumenta- 
tive, and its effect was deeply felt. 

For the course which Mr. C. took on this occasion, he 
has been charged with inconsistency. His friends admit 
that experience has changed his opinions in relation to the 
necessity of a bank ; but, with this admission, they couple 
the proud fact, that there is no other instance in the whole 
history of his life, where he has changed his opinions on an 
important subject. His ingenuousness is evinced by his 
having changed once, and his firmness by his having done 
so but once. And what was it that wrought this single 
revolution in his sentiments? A mighty event, whose 
consequences could be learned only from experience — the 
occurrence of a war with Great Britain, which changed 
not only his views of the policy of a bank, but those of 
almost every other leading politician in the country. In 
1811, Mr. C. showed, conclusively, that the existence of a 
bank was not then necessary to carry into effect any of 
the enumerated powers and objects of the general govern- 
ment ; and neither he, nor any other man, without the 
gift of prophecy, could have foretold that it would ever 
be necessary. But four years after it loas necessary ; not 
only to the exercise of the specifick powers of government, 
but apparently to the preservation of the government 
itself 

It is worthy of remark, that the new bank was esta 



I 



HENRY CLAY. 121 

olished on a very different foundation from that of the old 
one. Many of the dangers incident to the operations of 
the latter v/ere, at Mr. Clay's suggestion, carefully 
guarded against, in the charter of its successor. Foreign 
ers are still permitted to be stockholders in the bank ; but 
they are not allowed to vote in relation to the manage- 
ment of its concerns ; and the dangers of foreign influ- 
ence are thus annihilated 

In the course of the next session of congress — that of 
1816^ 17 — the celebrated compensation bill was discussed 
and passed. The events, which grew out of Mr. Clay's 
support of this bill, are perhaps among the most interest- 
ing incidents of his history. 

Probably the circumstances attending the passage of 
the compensation bill are still very generally remembered. 
The pay of members of congress, at that time, was six 
dollars per day ; a sum v^hich was justly considered too 
small for the country to give, or for them to receive. It 
barely served to support them during the time they were 
engaged in the transaction of the business of the nation, 
and w^as altogether insufficient t'o enable them to enjoy the 
society of their families at the seat of government. Per- 
petual poverty was, to every poor man, the inevitable con- 
sequence of a long stay in congress ; and hence, it was 
becoming unusual for any one to consent to remain there 
for any great length of time, unless he was either so afflu 
ent as to stand in no need of remuneration for his publick 
services, or so deficient in enterprise and talent as to be 
incapable of earning any thing in a private station. Poor 
men without talent, and rich men without principle, were 
'fast monopolizing the whole legislative department of the 
general government. 

The principal question in congress was, i?i what way 
the compensation of the members should be' increased. 

11 



122 BIOGRAPHY OP 

Some vv'-ere in favour of making an addition to the per 
diem allowance ; and others thought, it would be more 
expedient to fix the compensation at an annual salary. In 
support of the latter mode, it was zealously urged, that 
its adoption would quiet the jealousies of the people, who, 
whenever a session was protracted to an unusual length, 
had never failed to express their suspicions, that the mem- 
bers vv-ere procrastinating the day of adjournment for no 
other purpose than to secure the continuance of their wa- 
ges. It is certain that this apprehension, absurd as it. 
was, had become very general, and done a serious and 
extensive injury, by impairing the confidence of the peo- 
ple in their representatives. Mr. Clay preferred the in- 
crease of the daily wages to the institution of a salary, 
and expressed himself decidedly to that effect ; but, find- 
ing that the majority were against him, he did not think 
it advisable to press his own opinions too vehemently- 
Convinced as he was of the necessity of raising the com- 
pensation in one way or another, he deemed it better to 
yield to the majority, than by a strong opposition to their 
opinions, to hazard the entire defeat of the bill. He gave 
his vote for it, and it was carried without a dissenting 
voice, except from a few aristocrats, who had no want of 
money, and thought it a derogation from their dignity to 
manifest any regard for it. The salary was fixed at fif- 
teen hundred dollars a year. Mr. Clay did not pretend, 
that his course in relation to this measure was adopted 
without any regard to private considerations. He had 
commenced life a portionless orphan : and, as he had now 
an increasing family, which, by his exertions, he was 
sustaining in the highest and brightest sphere of life, he 
felt it no dishonour to demand from his country that 
amount of compensation, to which he was fairjy entitled 
by his services — to demand a few hundred dollars in re- 
turn for the voluntary sacrifice of thousands. 



HENRY CLAY. 123 

Almost immediately after the passage of the above- 
mentioned bill, congress adjourned, and the members had 
no opportunity while at Washington, of ascertaining in 
what light the measure would be viewed by their constitu 
ents. They were not, however, left long in suspense. In 
every portion of the union, an organized band of dema- 
gogues commenced the work of exciting popular preju- 
dice against the bill ; a work, in which they succeeded to 
the extent of their wishes. Although the people, with 
perfect unconcern, had seen the wages of nearly all the 
other officers of the government raised and even doubled, 
thej^ were now startled because a slight addition had been 
made to the pay of members of congress. Such a state 
of feeling could never have been excited, if the additional 
remuneration had been voted by any other body of men 
than the members themselves. The populace esteemed it 
a dangerous precedent, that publick officers should in- 
crease their own wages. To their imaginations it appear- 
ed like corruption ; for, perhaps, they did not sufficiently 
consider, that, however inadequate the wages of congress 
might be to the ordinary purposes of life, the power to ap- 
ply the remedy was confided by the constitution to con- 
gress alone. Be this as it might, the alarm was sounded, 
and it passed on, in its reverberations, from point to point, 
till soon the whole country saw, that the supporters of the 
compensation bill must either retrace their steps or be 
hurled indignantly from their places. 

In Kentucky, the excitement was greater than in any 
other state. The compensation bill constituted almost 
the sole topick of remark in private circles, and of decla- 
mation in popular assemblies ; and, strange as it may ap- 
pear, there was scarce a voice in the whole state raised in 
its favour. On no subject had there ever been such entire 
unanimity. The citizens grev/ more and more ardent 



1 



i 



124 BIOGRAPHY OF 

from day to day, and from week to week ; and. at length, 
their exasperation rose to such a height, that even their 
habitual and long-cherished reverence for their favourite 
Clay, seemed half forgotten, and there was every proba- 
liility, that he would be cast down, like a worshipped 
idol, when its votary has found that the tale of its divinity 
^ but a fable. 

The opportunity thus offered to Mr. Clays political op- 
,ionents, was too full of promise to be neglected. For a 
long time they had been silent, yet their scrutiny had noi 
been withdrawn from him. With the keen eye of jea- 
lousy and hate, they had watched every act of his publicly: 
life ; and now, with one accord, they rushed from their 
retreat, imao:ininfr, that it was not within the limits of hu- 
man possibility, that their formidable foe should again j 
escape them. His final downfall was considered as cer- 
tain as the set of the sinking sun. 

The federalists, in Mr. Clay's district, after holding long 
and frequent consultations, determined that Mr. John Pope, 
a man of powerful eloquence, and great family influence, 
should take the field against him as a candidate for a seat 
in the house of representatives. The arrangements being 
made, Mr. Pope immediately commenced riding among 
the citizens of the district, and haranguing them with 
considerable effect in relation to his own pretensions, and 
tiie supposed aberrations of his rival. For some time Mr. 
Clay left the field exclusively to Mr. Pope ; but as the day 
of the election approached, he was persuaded, by the re- 
peated importunities of his friends, to meet his opponent 
upon his own grounds. Accordingly he went forth, for 
the only time in his life, to visit the various parts of his 
district, and vindicate, in the presence of his constituents, 
the acts of his political life. 

It has been remarked of Mr. Clay, that he was the first 



HENRY CLAY. 125 



O 



Kentuckiaii who, in making an electioneering tour, ever 
preserved a dignity and an independence of character. 
At that day it was usual for every aspirant to public fa- 
vour, to clothe himself in the meanest habiliments, and to 
go among the people, soliciting their suffrages with the 
lowliness of mendicants. This custom had been of such 
long standing, that the people regarded it as a just and 
indispensable tribute to their supremacy. It was a de- 
gradation, however, to which Mr. Clay would not sub- 
mit. Although Yv^illing to give an explanation of his con- 
duct, he was resolved to do it, if at all, in a way consist- 
ent with the respect due to himself Wherever he ap- 
peared, it was in the dress which he would have worn 
upon the floor of congress ; and his every appeal to his 
fellow-citizens, was characterized by all the loftiness and 
pride of spirit, which might have been expected from the 
noblest orator of the age, defending himself against the 
secret machinations and the open efforts of his enemies. 
His remarks upon the compensation bill were made in- 
genuously, and without reserve. He acknowledged, that 
the known will of the people should, in all cases, be the 
law of the representative, and declared his willingness to 
vote for the repeal of the obnoxious bill, should his con- 
stituents require it of him. By correcting their erroneous 
impressions, and making occasionally one of those appeals 
to the heart, of which he was so perfect a master, he soon 
succeeded in softening their exasperation, and kindling 
anew the feeling of love and veneration, with which he 
had, in past years, been regarded. 

Mr. Pope, in spite of his eloquence and his popular de- 
vices, found that he was fast losing ground ; and, at length, 
as a last expedient, he determined to have recourse to a 
desperate measure. A few day's previous to the election, 
he sent Mr. Clay an invitation to meet him on a given 

11* 



126 BIOGRAPHY OF 

day, and discuss publicly their respective claims to tho 
suffrages of the district. The invitation was promptly ac- 
cepted, and the place for the discussion fixed in a grove 
about five miles from Lexington. The anxiety excited 
by the annunciation of the anticipated meeting, was in- 
tense and universal. On the appointed day, thousands 
assembled, at an earlj^ hour, to witness the intellectual 
conflict. Arrangements were made by the friends of the 
])arties, that they should address the audience alternateh', 
each having permission to occupy half an hour at a time. 
The preliminaries being settled, Mr. Pope, who, beside be- 
ing a strong logician, and a skilful and wily disputant, 
had been indefatigable in his preparations for this occa- 
sion, made the first onset, with a vigour that surprised his 
friends, and led them to fancy that they saw his giant foe 
reeling beneath his ponderous blows. For some time he 
sustained his part with wonderful success, and strong 
hopes were indulged by the federal party that he would 
])rove finally victorious. They knew not the matchless 
elasticity of the champion with whom he was measuring 
his strength. Mr. Pope, after vehement and repeated at 
tacks upon his antagonist, began to falter in his efforts : 
but Mr. C. gathered new strength and energy from every 
fresh exertion. It soon became Mr. P.'s turn to act on the 
defensive ; and a struggle, like that which now ensued, 
could not last long. The weaker combatant fell gradu- 
ally back, till he was pressed against the wall, and there 
his conqueror dealt blow after blow upon his now naked 
and defenceless head, till the scene became intensely pain- 
ful to the spectators. Mr. Clay, finding that it would bo 
inglorious to prolong the strife, turned with dignity away 
from his fullen foe, and pausing for a few moments to col- 
lect his encro-ies for a last intellectual effort, gave a du- 
play of argument; eloquence, and i)as&ion, which is still 



HENRY CLAY. 127 

remembered and spoken of with enthusiasm. He spoke 
of his services, and of the efforts that had been made to 
ruin him ; and the prejudices of the muUitude swayed to 
his impetuous eloquence, Uke reeds to the roarings of the 
northern hurricane. His victory was a signal one, not 
only over his competitor, but over the spirits of the popu- 
lace. The green roof of the forest-trees that overhung 
him, was his triumphal arch. Thus ended a conflict, pro- 
bably the most celebrated that has ever occurred in Ken- 
tucky. 

The day of trial at last came, and Mr. Clay, being re- 
elected by a large majority, the hopes of the federal party 
were again prostrate. 

Mr. C. found, from mingling freely with his constitu- 
ents, and conversing with them on the subject of the com- 
pensation bill, that the objections of the more intelligent, 
and indeed of a majority, were not so much to the amount 
of compensation as to the mode. They preferred, that 
their representatives should receive daily wages for their 
services, but were willing that those wages should be raised 
to any sum that might be thought fair and equitable. 
Their sentiments were precisely the same with those which 
Mr. Clay himself had advanced in congress at the prece- 
ding session, and, of course, he could now support their 
views, without any sacrifice of his own. The re-consider- 
ation of the bill, was among the first acts of the next 
congress, and it w^as speedily repealed, Mr. Clay, and al- 
most every other democrat, voting in the affirmative. In- 
stead of a salary of fifteen hundred dollars, the pay of 
the members was fixed at a per diem allowance of eight 
dollars. 



128 BIOGRAPHY OF 



SECTION SECOND. 

We have noAv arrived at one of the most important pe- 
riods in the eventful life of Mr. Clay. It is that in which 
he contended so nobly for the cause of human liberty ; — 
when, striving to usher the. Southern Republics into the 
great family of nations, he stood up before his country- 
men like an apostle, commissioned by Freedom to welcome 
her new votaries to the reward of their labours and their 
sacrifices. The glory which he won by the discharge of 
that commission, is imperishable as liberty itself It will 
rise freshly above his grave, and grow greener with the 
lapse of centuries. 

The exultation which pervaded all parts of the coun- 
try, when it was known that the inhabitants of South 
America had rent asunder the chanis of colonial servi- 
tude, and, like their brethren of the north, had proclaimed 
themselves " free, sovereign, and independent," is yet 
freshly remembered. The event was hailed as a glorious 
token of the influence of our own great struggle, — as the 
first fair promise of a redemption of the nations from the 
thraldom of ancient tyranny. The beautiful sun of ra- 
tional liberty, which, for a time, shone over the despotism 
of France, had gone down in blood ; but in the situation 
of the republicks of the south, there was yet hope for the 
ardent friends of self-government. The power of old 
Spain had been cloven down upon a hundred battle fields; 
and from the Gulf of Mexico to the southern borders of 
Chili, the people were rejoicing over the broken fitters of 
that colonial bondage which, for three hundre<l years, had 
monopolized their treasure and their resources — blasted 
ill' the green beauty of a climate rich with nature's blessings. 



HENRY CLAY. 129 

and robbed their earth of its wealth of gold and diamonds. 
It is no marvel that the sympathies of the people of the 
United States should be called forth in favour of the pa- 
triots of South America, They were contending- in the 
same cause — they were asserting the same rights for 
which our fathers, on the plains of Camden, and on the 
heights of Charlestown, poured out their best blood with 
a prodigality like that of the autumnal rain. They were 
strui^oiino-, too, with a foe, whose atrocities and barbari- 
tics outrivalled those of the enemy over which our fathers 
triumphed. . Spain had carried on the war with her insur- 
gent colonies in a spirit of demoniack vengeance. The 
aged patriot, the unoffending female, and the infant at the 
bosom of its mother, had been offered up in one indiscri- 
minate sacrifice. Her armies had manifested a barbarity 
unheard of in the annals of crime. The temples of religion 
had been polluted ; and the gray hairs of the priests had 
been drenched in blood at the very foot of the altar. Ci- 
ties had been pillaged and consumed, while their inhabi- 
tants of one sex had been massacred, the armed and the 
unarmed together — and those of the other had been given 
over to the licentious passions of a brutal soldiery. Where- 
cver the enemy had moved oyer the beautiful provinces of 
La Plata, desolation had been left behind them, as if the 
earth itself had been scorched and blackened hy the fiery 
tread of demons. 

The republican feelings of Henry Clay would not al- 
low him to contemplate such a scene without emotion. 
He watched the movements of the struggling patriots 
u'ith anxiety, yet with entire confidence in their ultimate 
success. He suffered no appropriate opportunity to pass, 
without publickly bearing witness to the lively interest he 
felt in their cause. At the session of congress of 1816 — 
17, he made such allusions to their situation, as called up 
in opposition, the uncourteous and vituperative spirit of 



130 BIOGRAPHY OF 

Mr. Randolph. At another time, when the house of re- 
presentatives was debating the propriety of passing a bill 
" to prevent our citizens from seUing vessels of war to the 
subjects of a foreign power," Mr. C. opposed the measure, 
because of its evident bearing upon the condition of our 
South American brethren. 

"It is impossible," said he, "for us to deceive ourselves, 
as to the true character of the bill before the house. Be- 
stow upon it what denomination you will — disguise it as 
jou may — it will be understood by the world as a law to 
discountenance any aid being given to the South Ameri- 
can patriots, now in a state of revolution against the pa- 
rent country. With respect to the nature of that strug- 
gle, I have not now, for the first time, to express my 
opinion and wishes. I wish them independence. It is 
the first step towards improving their condition. Let 
them have a free government, if they are capable of en- 
joying it. At any rate, let them have independence. — 
Yes, from the inmost recesses of my soul, I wish them in- 
dependence. In this I may be accused of imprudence, 
in the utterance of my feehngs on this occasion ; — I care 
not, when the independence, the happiness, the liberty of 
a whole people is at stake, 'and that people our neighbours, 
our brethren, occupying a portion of the same continent, 
imitating our example, and participating of the same 
sympathies with ourselves." 

In the summer of 1817, the president of the United 
States appointed Messrs. Rodney, Graham, and Bland, 
commissioners to proceed to South America, for the pur- 
pose of ascertaining the condition ^f the country, the cha- 
racter of the people, and their ability for self-government. 

In March, 1818, the bill making appropriations for the 
support of government for that year, being before the 
hou.se of representatives, Mr. Clay objected to the clause 



HENRY CLAY. 131 

appropriating tlie sum of thirty thousand dollars for com- 
pensation to the commissioners above mentioned. His ob- 
jections were grounded on the evident impolicy of the ap- 
pointment, and the unconstitutionality of the appropria- 
tion. 

After som.e discussion, on motion of Mr. Lowndes, the 
appropriation was passed by for the time, in order to ob- 
tain some additional information relative to it, which Mr. 
Clay had demanded in his previous remarks. The item 
was no sooner disposed of, than Mr. Clay rose, and made 
his motion to insert a provision in the bill, appropriating 
the sum of eighteen thousand dollars, as the outfit and one 
year's salojry of a minister^ to he deputed from the United 
States to the independent provinces of the river La Plata, 
in South America. 

Mr. Clay followed up his motion by a long and able 
speech. He placed, in the clearest light, the condition of 
the South American provinces, and urged, with an elo- 
quence which, in a less cautious assembly, would have 
kindled in every bosom the flame of his own sublime en- 
thusiasm, the adoption of a measure, which, with pro- 
phetick intelligence, he foresaw would add new glory to 
our republick, and strengthen the hands, and animate the 
hearts of men, wrestling with tyranny even unto death. 

He commenced by expressing his regrets at finding 
himself differing from many highly esteemed friends, foi 
whom he entertained the greatest respect. This had led 
him to subject his own convictions to the severest scru- 
tiny ; but all his reflections conducted him to the same 
clear result. If he erred in this result, there was some 
consolation in knowing, that he erred on the side of 
liberty, and the happiness of the human family. 

He wished to correct all misconceptions in relation to 
his opinions. He was averse from war. He would give 
no just cause of war to any power — not to Spain herself, 



132 BIOGRAPHY OP 

though she had given us abundant cause. But it was 
not every cause of war that should lead to war. War 
was one of those dreadful scour o:es v/hich so shakes the 
foundation of society, overturns or changes the character 
of government, interrupts or destroys the pursuits of pri- 
vate happiness, brings misery and wretchedness in so 
many frightful forms, and is, in its issue, so doubtful and 
hazardous, that nothing but dire necessity can justify an 
appeal to arms. 

He contemplated the great struggle that was going on 
in South America ; — took a view of the immense resour- 
ces of the country — its extent — its scenery — the number 
of governments that would probably spring into exist- 
ence, to claim a rank among the nations. He alluded to 
the policj^ of Spain towards her colonies, from their first 
settlement down to the transactions of Bayonne, in 1808, 
when the Spanish king abdicated his throne, and became 
a volunteer captive. From that time, he contended, the 
colonies were released from their obligations of allegi- 
ance, and had a right to provide for themselves — allegi- 
ance being founded on the duty of protection. " But," 
continued Mr. Clay, "I take a broader, bolder position. 
I maintain that an oppressed people are authorized, when- 
ever they can, to rise and break their fetters. This was 
the great principle of the English revolution. It was the 
great principle of our own. We must, therefore, pass 
sentence of condemnation upon the founders of our liberty ; 
— say that they were rebels, traitors — and that we are, at 
this moment, legislating without competent powers — before 
we can condemn the cause of Spanish America. Our 
revolution was mainly directed against the mere theory 
of tyranny. We had suffered comparatively but little: — 
we had, in some respects, been kindly treated ; — but our 
intrepid and intelligent fathers saw, in the usurpation of 
the power to levy an inconsiderable tax, the long train of 



HENRY CLAY. 133 

oppressive acts that was to follow. They rose — they 
breasted the storm — they conquered, and left us the glori- 
ous legacy of freedom. Spanish America, for centurieS; 
has been doomed to the practical effects of an odious iy- 
ranny. If we were justified, she is more than justified." 

Mr. Clay said he was no propagandist. He wished not 
to force our principles where they were not wanted. But, 
if an abused and an oppressed people ivill their freedom 
— if they sought to establish an independent government 
— if they had established one — we had the right, as a so- 
vereign power, to notice the fact, and act as circumstan- 
ces and our interests required. He thought, if the South 
Americans were entitled to succeed from the justness of 
their cause, we had no less reason to wish it from the 
atrocious character of the war which was waged against 
them. We had a deep interest in recognizing them as 
independent nations. It concerned our commerce, our na- 
vigation, our politics. Whenever their independence is 
I established, they must have American feelings — they 
must obe}^ the la.ws of the new world. This makes the 
acknowledgement of their independence of the first con- 
sideration. 

After rebutting the charges of ignorance and inability 
for self-government, which had been often urged against 
the people of Spanish America, Mr. Clay proceeded to ex- 
amine that of superstition. The magnificent bursting 
forth of eloquence at this point, is equalled only by the 
noble and generous feeling which it manifests. Would 
to God that such a feeling pervaded every bosom. 

''With regard to their superstition, they worship the 
same God that we worship. Their prayers are offered 
up in their temples to the same Redeemer, from whose in- 
terces^ion we ourselves expect salvation. There is no- 
thing in the Catholic religion unfavourable to freedom. 
All religions, united with government, are more or less 



J 34 BIOGRAPHY OF 

inimical to liberty. All, separated from government, are 
compatible with liberty. If the people of Spanish Ame- 
rica have not gone as far in religious toleration as we have, 
ihe clifFerence in their condition and ours must not be for- 
gotten. Every thing is progressive. In time they will 
imitate our example. But, grant that the people of Spa- 
nish America are ignorant and incompetent for free go- 
vernment, to whom is that ignorance to be ascribed ? Is 
it not the execrable system of Spain, which she seeks 
again to establish and perpetuate? This, so far from 
chilling our hearts, ought to increase our solicitude for 
our unfortunate brethren. It should animate us to desire 
the redemption of the minds, as well as the bodies, of un- 
born millions, from the brutifying effects of a system, 
whose tendency is to stifle the faculties of the soul, and 
to degrade man to the level of the beasts that perish. I 
invoke the spirits of our departed fathers I Was it for 
yourselves alone that you nobly fought ? No, no. It 
was the chains that were forging for your posterit}^, that 
made you fly to arms, and, scattering the elements of 
those chains to the winds, j^ou transmitted to us the rich 
inheritance of libertv." 

After alluding to the immense advantage our country 
would derive from a commerce with the South American 
states, Mr. Clay proceeded to show that a recognition of 
their independence was compatible with the most pacifick 
relations — with a rigid neutrality — provided we furnished 
them with none of the means of carrying on their belli- 
gerent operations 'against old Spain. His reasoning on 
this point is forcible and conclusive. '^ Recognition alone," 
said he, " without aid, is no just cause of war. With aid, 
it is ; not because of the recognition, but because of the 
aid, as aid without recognition is cause of war. The 
truth of these propositions is maintained by the practice 
of other states, and by the usage of our own. There is 



HENRY CLA.Y. 



135 



no common tribunal among the nations to pronounce 
upon the fact of the sovereignty of a new state. Each 
power must and does judge for itself. It is an attribute 
of sovereignty so to judge. A nation, in exerting this in- 
contestible right — in pronouncing upon the independence, 
in fact, of a new state, takes no part in the war. It gives 
neither men, nor money, nor ships. It merely pronoun- 
ces, that in so far as it may be necessary to institute any 
relations, the new state is capable of maintaining those 
relations, and authorizing that intercourse." 

" When the United Provinces formerly severed them- 
selves from Spain, it was about eighty years before their 
independence was finally recognized by Spain. Before 
that recognition, the United Provinces bad been received 
by all the rest of Europe mto the family of nations. It 
is true, that a war broke out oetween Philip and Eliza- 
beth, but it proceeded from the aid which she determined 
-to give, and did give, to Holland. 

"In the case of our own revolution, it was not until af- 
ter France had given us aid, and had determined to enter 
into a treaty of alliance with us — a treaty, by which she 
guaranteed our independence, that England declared war. 
Holland also was charged by England with favouring 
our cause, and deviating from the Hne of strict neutrality. 
And when it was perceived that she was, moreover, about 
to enter into a treaty with us, England declared war. 
Even if it can be shown that a proud, haughty, and pow- 
erful nation, like England, has made war upon other pro- 
vinces on the ground of a mere recognition, the single ex- 
ample cannot aUer the publick law, or shake the strength 
of a clear principle." 

"But what has been our uniform practice? We have 
constantly proceeded on the principle, that the govern- 
ment de facto is that which we alone can notice. What- 
ever form of government any society of people adopt, — 



136 BIOGRAPHY OF 

whoever they acknowledge as their sovereign, we consi- 
der that government, or that sovereign, as the one to fee 
acknowledged by us. We have invariably abstained from 
assuming a right to decide in favour of the sovereign de 
iiwre, and against the sovereign de facto. That is a ques- 
tion for the nation m which it arises to determine. So 
far as we are concerned, the sovereign de facto is the sove- 
reign de jure. Our own revolution stands on the basis of 
the right of a people to change their rulers. I do not 
maintain that evexy immature revolution — every usurper, 
before his power is consolidated, is to be acknowledged hy 
us — but that as soon as stabihty and order are maintained, 
no matter by whom, we always have considered, and 
ought to consider, the actual as the true government. 

" If, then, there be an established government in Span- 
ish America, deserving to rank among the nations, we are 
morally and politically bound to acknov/ledge it, unless 
we renounce all the principles which should guide, and 
which have hitherto guided our councils." Mr. Clay then 
adverted to the limits, the population, navy, armj', the 
system of finance, and the many undertakings for the ad- 
vancement of the general prosperity'- in the repubhck of the 
United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata, to show that it 
was a government of such a character as ought to be ad- 
mitted into the family of nations. There were, it was not 
to be concealed, difficulties and commotions there. " And 
what state," said he, "passing through the agitations of 
a great revolution, is free from them ? We had our tories, 
our intrigues, our factions. More than once were the af- 
fections of the country, and the confidence of our coun- 
cils, attempted to be shaken in the great father of our li- 
berties. Within the immense extent of the territories of 
La Plata, not a Spanish baj^onet remains to contest the 
authority of the actual government. It is free — it is in- 
dependent — it is sovereign." 



HENRY CLAY. 137 

Notwithstanding the variety and comprehensiveness of 
Mr. C.'s arguments, and the power and vehemence with 
which he enforced them, his opponents would not be con- 
vinced ; but, after taking time to array their strength, made 
a vigorous attack upon his positions. Theii" object was 
to show, that the South American states, if independent, 
would become the commercial rivals of our own countrj^; 
that our recognition of their independence would be likely 
to involve us in a disastrous war either with Spain or the 
members of the Holy Alliance ; that the states themselves 
would never thank us for it; and that it was our wisest 
policy to attend to the management of our own concerns, 
and let all other governments, whether republican or monar- 
chical, take care of themselves. 

Mr. C.'s final reply, though never reported, is spoken of 
as having been triumphant. His antagonists were pros- 
trated on all sides of him, as if his every word had been 
an electrick flash, and, in his most impassioned moments, 
he seemed to rule the heart by the vehement motions of his 
arm, as with a rod of iron. Never was there a greater 
contrast than between the sordid and timorous policy re- 
commended by his opponents, and his own sublime and 
expansive views. Their wish was to make our country a 
selfish and an isolated power; but it was his aim to 
render her the glorious centre of a beautiful and harmoni- 
ous system. He seemed a great Apostle of Liberty, some- 
tmies directing his accusing and desolating eloquence 
against the spirit of tj'ranny, and then interceding for an 
unhappy and struggling nation, with a pathos as deep and 
moving as that of the ancient patriarch, when pleading face 
to face with the Most High, for mercy upon the cities of 
the plain. All would not avail. Congress, headed by 
Mr. Monroe, was opposed to the recognition of South 

12* 



138 BIOGRAPHY OF 

American independence, and, after a long struggle, Mr. 
Claj's resolution was rejected. 

The orator had been little accustomed to defeat, but he 
heard the decision of the house with unshaken firmness. 
He felt that his cause was just and righteous, and worthy 
of his continued exertions, and he did not, for one moment, 
resign the hope of ultimately achieving the great object 
for which he had striven. He knew his adequacy to the 
work which he had appointed to himself to do. 

The subject of sending a minister to South America 
again came up for consideration in 1820. The contest 
had not yet closed between Spain and the republicks of 
Spanish America, but the latter, with various success, 
were still fighting desperately for the maintenance, of their 
freedom. The patriot Clay saw them stretching out their 
hands imploringly to our country, and begging to be re- 
coo-nized as amonir the nations — he had learned the extent 

O o 

of their gratitude for the active sympathy he had already 
manifested in their fate — and he determined to stand up 
figain and plead their cause before the representatives of 
the union. The motion for their recognition was made by 
himself, and he defended it, as in 1818, in one of his noblest 
and most eloquent appeals. 

" The house has been asked, and asked with a triumph 
worthy of a better cause — why recognize this republick ? 
Where is the use of it ? And is it possible, that gentle- 
men can see no use in recognizing this republick ? For 
what has she fought ? To be admitted into the family of 
nations. ' Tell the nations of the world,' says Pueyrre- 
don, in his speech, ' that we already belong to their illus- 
trious rank.' What wouM be the powerful consequence 
of a recognition of their claim ? I ask my honourable 
revolutionary friend before me, with what anxious solici- 
tude, during our revolution, he and his glorious compatriots 



HENRY CLAY. 139 

turned their ejes to Europe, and asked to be recognized. 
I ask him, the patriot of 76, how the heart reboundea 
with jo}^ on the information, that France had recognized 
us. The moral influence of such a recognition on the pa- 
triot of the South will be irresistible. He will derive as- 
. surance from it, of his not having fought in vain. In the 
constitution of our natures, there is a point to which ad- 
versitj^ may pursue us, without perhaps any worse effect 
than that of exciting new energy to meet it. Having 
reached that point, if no gleam of comfort breaks through 
the gloom, we sink beneath the pressure, yielding reluctant- 
W ly to our ftite, and, in hopeless despair, losing all stimulus 
to exertion. And is there not reason to fear such a fate to 
the patriots of the South ? Already enjoying independence 
for eight years, their ministers are yet spurned from the 
courts of Europe, and rejected by the government of a sis- 
ter republick. Contrast this conduct of ours with our con- 
duct in other respects. No matter whence the minister 
comes, be it from a despotick power, we receive him: and, 
even now, one of my honourable opponents would have us 
send a minister to Constantinople, to beg a passage through 
the Dardanelles to the Black Sea. He who can see no 
advantage to the country from opening to its commerce 
the measureless resources of South America, would send a 
minister begging to Constantinople for a little trade. Nay, 
1 have seen a project in the newspapers, and I should not 
be surprised, after what we have already seen, at its being 
carried into effect, for sending a minister to the Porte. • 
Yes, sir^ from Constantinople or from the Brazils ; from 
Turk or Christian ; from black or white ; from the Dey of 
Algiers or the Bey of Tunis ; from the devil himself, if he 
wore a crown, we should receive a minister. We even 
paid the expenses of the minister of his sublime highness, 
the Bey of Tunis, and thought ourselves highly honoured 



140 BIOGRAPHY OF 

by bs visit. Pat let the minister come from a poor rc- 
publick, and -ve turn our back on him. No, sir, we will 
not receive him. The brilliant costumes of the ministers 
of the royal governments are seen glistening in the cir- 
cles of our drawing rooms, and their splendid equipages 
rolling through the avenues of the metropolis : but the un- 
accredited minister of the republick, if he visit our presi- 
dent or secretary of state at all, must do it i7icog., lest the 
eye of Don Onis should be offended by so unseemly a. 
sight. I appeal to the powerful effect of moral causes, 
manifested in the case of the French revolution, when, by 
their influence, that nation swept from about her the ar- 
mies of the combined powers, by which she was environed; 
and rose up the colossal power of Europe." 

The debate on Mr. C.'s resolution was continued two oi 
three weeks, during which period the mover taxed his in- 
tellectual resources and his physical strength to their ut- 
most. His triumph was as complete as his aim had been 
■glorious. The independence of South America was re- 
cognized. The effect of this act in pouring a new ardour 
into the hearts of the southern republicks, and renerving 
their arms with thunder, is already a matter of record, and, 
at present, needs no commentary. That eflfect, whatever it 
may have been, is to be traced home to the influence of 
I\Ir. Clay, who, by a perseverance unsurpassed in any hero 
either of history or romance, procured the recognition of 
the republicks, in opposition to the combined influence of 
a popular and powerful administration; a triumph over 
misconception and prejudice, too glorious to be forgot- 
ten. (2) 

In every land, there are thousands of patriots, whose 
holiest sympathies are always excited by a contest for free- 

(2) See Appendix. 



HENRY CLAY. 141 

dom, in whatever part of the world it may take place ; 
but the man who, like Henry Clay, has had not only the 
inclination, but the opportunity, to' take a group of sister 
republicks by the hand, unclose to them the temple of In- 
dependence, and show them its glories and its mysteries, 
may well consider himself no less fortunate than patriotick. 
Such deeds, it is true, may, for the moment, attract less of 
the world's admiring gaze, than a victory Ijke that of 
Borodino or Waterloo. The array, the shout, the onset, 
the blood, the groan, the shivered diadem — these are mat- 
ters which the most vulgar minds can at once appreciate — 
for they address themselves to the senses, and their effects 
are palpable and immediate. The great moral and intel- 
lectual achievements of our world are of a different nature. 
Their control is comparatively unseen by ordinary eyes, 
even though all the high places of the land may be rocking 
to and fro beneath their influence, as with the heavings of 
a great earthquake : but, in their effects, they become a 
portion of the common fortunes of humanity — a mighty 
wave in that great current of events, which will flow on- 
v\^ard, onward, onward, till the ancient pillars of despotism, 
that have been vainly imagined by kings to have their 
foundation in the centre of the earth, shall be swept down 
to fioat off like common wrecks upon the returnless tide. 
Thousands of lofty spirits, whose very names, hke tlieir 
perishing clay, have perchance gone down to the dust, 
are still living upon earth, in the control which their 
strong, though invisible energies, have entailed upon their 
fellovv' men — still dwelHng and acting among us in their 
propitious and glorious influences. 

Here we cannot resist the temptation of transmitting to 
our pages an eloquent tribute accorded to Mr. Clay for his 
>South American services, by one of the greatest men of 
the age. Mr. Forsyth, of Georgia, the earliest and most 



142 BIOGRAPHY OF 

violent opposer of the recognition of the southern repub- 
licks, made a severe allusion, in 1825. to the influence 
which Mr. C. had exerted in their behalf. Mr. Webster, 
of Massachusetts, vindicated the great patriot in the fol- 
lowing language: 

" Pains have been taken to prove, that the whole policy 
of our government respecting South America, is the un- 
happy resiilt of the influence of a gentleman formerly 
fillino- the chair of this house. To make out this, reference 
has been made to certain speeches of that gentleman de- 
livered here. He is charged with having become himself 
aflfected, at an early day, with ' the South American fe- 
ver,' and with having infused its baneful influence into the 
whole councils of the country. If, sir, it be true, that that 
gentleman, prompted by an ardent love of civil liberty, felt, 
earlier than others, a proper sympathy for the struggling 
colonies of South America ; or that, acting on the maxim, 
that revolutions do not go backward, he had the sagacity 
to foresee, earlier than others, the successful termination 
of those struggles ; if, thus feeling and thus perceiving, it 
fell to him to lead the willing or unwilling councils of his 
country in her manifestations of kindness to the new go- 
vernment, and in her seasonable recognition of her inde- 
pendence ; if it be this, which the honourable member im- 
putes to him—if it be by this course of publick conduct, 
that he has identified his own name with the cause of 
South American liberty — he ought to be esteemed one of 
the most fortunate men of the age. If all this be as is 
now represented, he has acquired fame enough. It is 
enough for any man thus to have connected himself with 
the greatest events of the age in which he lives, and to 
have been foremost in measures which reflect high ho- 
nour on his country in the judgement of mankind, Sir, it 



HENRY CLAY.- 143 

is always with great reluctance, that I am drawn to speak, 
in my place here, of individuals ; but I could not forbear 
what I have now said, when I hear in the house of repre- 
sentatives, and in the land of free spirits, that it is made 
matter of imputation and of reproach, to have been first to 
reach forth the hand of welcome and of succour to new- 
born nations, strugghng to obtain and to enjoy the blessings 
of liberty." 

Mr. Clay's anxiety for the permanent liberty and pros- 
perity of the South American states, has never lost any 
portion of its intensity. Amid all the civil changes that 
have been wrought in these countries, he has looked steadi- 
ly forward to the ultimate consummation of his earliest 
hopes, and contributed to it by every means in his power. 
His letter to Bolivar, under date of October 27th, 1828, is 
a strong and beautiful illustration of his feelings. It was 
written in reply to the following communication from 
Bolivar. 

"Bogota, 21st Nov. 1827. 

'' Sir, — I cannot omit availing myself of the opportuni- 
ty afforded me b}'' the departure of Col. Watts, Charge 
d' Affaires of the United States, of taking the liberty to ad- 
dress your excellency. This desire has long been enter- 
tained by me, for the purpose of expressing my admiration 
of your excellency's brilliant talents and ardent love of 
liberty. All America, Colombia, and myself, owe your 
excellency our purest gratitude for the incomparable ser- 
vices you have rendered to us, by sustaining our course 
with a sublime enthusiasm. Accept, therefore, this sin- 
cere and cordial testimony, which I hasten to offer to your 
excellency, and to the government of the United States, 
who have so greatly contributed to the emancipation of 
your southern brethren. 



144 BIOGRAPHY OF 

' I have the lionoui* to offer to jour excellency my dis- 
tinguished consideration. 

" Your excellency's obedient servant/ 

" BOLIVAR." 

The following is an extract from Mr. Clay's reply :- 

'^ Washington, 27th Oct. 1828. 

" Sir, — It is very gratifying to me to be assured direct- 
ly by your excellency, that the course which the govern- 
ment of the United States took on this memorable occa- 
sion, and my humble efforts, have excited the gratitude 
and commanded the approbation of your excellencj'. I 
am persuaded, that I do not misinterpret the feelings of 
the people of the United States, as I certainly express my 
own, in saying, that the interest which was inspired in 
this country by the arduous struggles of South America, 
arose principally from the hope, that, along with its in- 
dependence, would be established free institutions, insuring 
all the blessings of civil liberty. To the accomplishment 
of that object we still anxiously look. We are aware, that 
great difficulties oppose it, among which not the least is 
that which arises out of the existence of a large military 
force, raised for the purpose of resisting the power of 
Spain. ( Standing armies, organized with the most patri- 
otick intentions, are dangerous instruments. They devour 
the substance, debauch the morals, and too often destroy 
the liberties of a people. Nothing can be more perilous or 
unwise than to retain them after the necessity has ceased, 
which led to their formation, especially if their numbers 
are disproportionate to the revenues of the state.) 

" But, notwithstanding all these difficulties, we had 
fondly cherished, and still indulge the hope, that South 
America would add a new triumph to the cause of human 
liberty; and, that Providence would bless her, as He had 
her northern sister, with the genius of some great and vir- 



HENRY CLAY. 145 

. jtious man, to conduct her securely through all her trials. 
We had even flattered ourselves, that we beheld that genius 
in your excellency. But I should be unworthy of the 
consideration with which your excellency honours me, 
and deviate from the frankness which I have ever en* 
deavoured to practise, if I did not, on this occasion, state, 
that ambitious designs have been attributed by your ene- 
mies to your excellency, which have created in my mind 
great solicitude. They have cited late events in Colom- 
bia, as proofs of these designs. But, slow in the with- 
drawal of confidence, which I have once given, I have 
been most unwilling to credit the unfavourable accounts 
which have, from time to time, reached me. I cannot al- 
low myself to beUeve, that your excellency will abandon 
the bright and glorious path which lies plainly before you. 
for the bloody road passing over the liberties of the human 
race, on which the vulgar crowd of tyrants and military 
despots have so often trodden. I will not doubt, thatyoui 
excellency will, in due time, render a satisfactory explana- 
tion to Colombia and to the world, of the parts of your 
public conduct which have excited any distrust ; and that, 
preferring the true glory of our immortal Washington to 
the ignoble fame of the destroyers of liberty, you have 
formed the patriotick resolution of ultimately placing the 
freedom of Colombia upon a firm and sure foundation. 
That your efforts to that end may be crowned with com- 
plete success, I most fervently pray. 

" I request that your excellency will accept assurances 
of my sincere wishes for your happiness and prosperity. 

" H. CLAY." 



13 



146 BIOGRAPHY OP 



SECTION THIRD. 

In March, 1818, the same month and year in which 
Mr. Clay made his first great speech on the subject of 
South American Independence, he also put forth his first 
memorable effort in behalf of that system, of which he is 
the acknowledged founder and head — the system of inter- 
nal improvements. He had before, on several occasions, 
both in congress and the legislature of his own state, 
been the zealous advocate of measures, in which the prin- 
ciple of internal improvements was involved; but, previous 
to 1818, there was no speech of his on record, to which the 
friends of the principle could appeal with confidence, as a 
triumphant vindication of their sentiments. 

During the war, and for a short time subsequent to it, 
the condition- of our funds had not been such as to warrant 
the construction of roads, canals, and other national con- 
veniences, to any great extent; but the expenditures of the 
country were now less considerable, and the attention of 
our statesmen began to be directed to the consideration of 
the ,best mode of appropriating the surplus revenue. 

It was the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, as expressed in one 
of his messages to congress, that, under the constitution, 
roads and canals could not be constructed by the general 
government, without the consent of the state or states 
through which they were to pass. 

At the opening of the congressional session of 1816 — 17, 
Mr. Madison, in his message to the two houses, made use 
of the following language: "I particularly invite again 
the attention of congress to the expediency of exercising 
■Uieir existing 'powers, and, where necessary, of resorting 



HENRY CLAY. 147 

to the prescribed mode of enlarging them, in order to ef- 
fectuate a comprehensive system of roads aiid canals, such 
as will have the effect of drawing more closely together 
every part of our country, by promoting intercourse and 
improvements, and by increasing the share of every part 
in the common stock of national prosperity." In pursu- 
ance of this recommendation, congress, a short time be- 
fore its adjournment, passed a bill, appropriating for 
purposes of Internal Improvement, the bonus, which was- 
to be paid to the general government by the bank of the 
United States. The bill was sent to the President for his 
signature, on the last day but one of the session. Strictly 
conformable as were its provisions to the sentiments of his 
own message, a rumour was soon spread, that he designed 
to return it to the house with his veto. Mr, Clay, on hear- 
ing this rumour, immediately addressed him in a private 
letter, urging him not to reject the bill, but rather, if he 
could not conscientiously sign it, to leave the whole mat- 
ter to be acted on by his successor, Mr. Monroe, who was 
to be inaugurated on the follov/ing day. Mr. Madison 
thought it his duty to act in opposition to Mr. C.'s advice, 
and, on the third of March, sent back the bonus bill with- 
out his signature, and stated his convictions in a short but 
rather able message, that Internal Improvements were not 
within the constitutional power of the government. 

Unless conjecture is extremely at fault, Mr, Monroe, 
previous to seeing Mr. Madison's veto message, had pre- 
pared his own inaugural address, recommending, in strong 
and unqualified terms, a general system of Internal Im- 
provement. On reading Mr. Madison's document, his re- 
solution misgave him. Actuated by a timorous policy, 
and, perhaps half convinced by Mr. M's reasonings, he 
interpolated, among his own remarks, a phrase utterly 
and awkwardly at variance with their general import, in 



148 BIOGRAPHY OF 

order that he might seem to agree with his predecessor. 
The impulse, thus accidentally given to his sentiments, 
determined, in a great measure, their permanent direction. 
In his message, at the opening of the session of congress 
of 1817 — 18, he again alluded to the subject, stating, that 
he had bestowed upon it all the attention which its great 
importance and a just sense of duty required, and that 
the result of his deliberations was a settled conviction, 
that the power of making Internal Improvements was not 
vested in congress, and could be conferred only by an 
amendment of the constitution. 

From these facts, it is apparent that Mr. Clay's speech 
of March, 1818, in vindication of the constitutionality of 
Internal Improvements, was made under circumstances 
of intense interest. It was relied on by the friends of the 
system as their last great struggle. Three national execu- 
tives had decided against them; and nothings was now 
wanting, but a decision of congress, to put their hopes 
finally to rest. It was in vain to anticipate an amend- 
ment of the constitution. Such a measure could not have 
been effected but by a greater majority of congress than 
was to be hoped for, in a matter, which had been the sub- 
ject of so much doubt and disputation. 

The resolution, which was discussed in the house, de- 
clared, that congress had power, under the constitution, to 
appropriate money for the construciion of military roads, 
post-roads, and canals. 

Mr. Clay, after giving a strong impulse to the debate, 
left it to be conducted by others for several days, and, 
when, at last, he rose to express his sentiments, he began 
by apologizing to the members of the house for troubling 
them with his remarks, wearied, as he knew them to be, by 
the inordinate length of the discussion. Like a keen 
adept in the science of human nature, he essayed to soften 



HENRY CLAY. 149 

the prejudices, that were entertained against his^Jrinci- 
ples, by paying a just and eloquent compliment to the ho- 
nesty and intelligence of the distinguished men, whose 
opinions he felt bound to controvert, and by showing, that 
the authority, which he considered as vested in congress, 
was not fraught with those dangers to the community, 
that his opponents had habitually ascribed to it. The 
power, which he claimed for the government, he repre- 
sented as neither more nor less than that of diffusing in- 
telligence, affluence, and happiness, throughout the nation 
— the power of twining still more closely the silver cords 
of Union around the whole of our mighty and almost 
limitless territory. He warned his hearers to remember, 
that, if the constitutional powers of congress were de- 
stroyed, the government itself would dissolve, from the 
want of cohesion, and relapse into the debility, which ex- 
isted under the old confederation, as certainly as the pla- 
nets would " wander darkling in the eternal space," if the 
sun were blotted from the heavens. 

That part of the present debate, which related to the 
rules to be observed in the construction of the constitution, 
bore a strong resemblance to what we have already no- 
ticed as having been said on the same subject in 1811 and 
1815, when the question of a national bank was under 
consideration. Mr. Clay held, that, under the constitu- 
tion, government might exercise any power, which was 
either expressly granted by that instrument, or impliable 
from an express grant. The soundness of this rule was 
acknowledged by his opponents. The only difference be- 
tween him and them, was in their different modes of apply- 
ing the rule. They argued, that no power could be con- 
sidered as implied by the constitution, unless it was di- 
rectly and absolutely indispensable to the operation of a 
specifick grant • and he, on the other hand, contended, that 

13* 



150 BIOGRAPHY OF 

every power was impliable, which appeared '^necessarp 
and proper'^ to the exercise of constitutional rights, al- 
though its necessity might not be strictly absolute. Of 
course, he was charged with looseness of doctrine. Be- 
cause he asserted, that congress, in deciding upon its own 
powers, must be governed, to a certain extent, by its own 
judgement, he was denounced as the advocate of the law 
of discretion — the unlmiited law of tyrants. He retorted, 
however, upon his opponents with great force. "You 
assert, that a power cannot be implied without an absolute 
necessity. But w^ho is to define that absolute necessity, 
and then to apply it 1 — Who is to be the judge ? — Where 
is the security against transcending that limit? — The 
rule you contend for has no greater security than that in- 
sisted upon by us. It equally leads to the same discre- 
lion, a sound discretion, exercised under all the responsi- 
Dility of a solemn oath, of a regard to our fair fame, of a 
knowledge that we are ourselves the subjects of those laws 
which we pass, and, lastly, of the rights of the people to 
resist insupportable tj'ranny." 

Having settled his rules of construction, Mr. Clay pro- 
ceeded to examine the constitution in detail, for the pur- 
pose of demonstrating the existence of a power in congress 
to construct such works of internal improvement as were 
contemplated in the resolution before the house. The 
power to '• establish post-roads" is given by the constitu- 
tion expressly ; but the opposers of Internal Improvements 
msisted, that the right to " establish" post-roads did not 
imply a right to viake them, but only to designate those 
already made, which were to be used in the conveyance 
of the mail. This interpretation Mr. Clay showed to be 
absurd. It is obvious that the framers of the constitution 
designed, by the disputed phrase, to convey to congress a 
certain definite power in relation to post -roads ; but the 



HENRY CLAY. 151 

power to designate such roads existed in congress undei 
the old articles of confederation, and hence could not he 
identical with the power, which was afterwards con- 
ferred. 

The constitution gives to congress the power to make 
war, and Mr. Clay insisted, that there was so direct and 
intimate a relation between this power and the power of 
constructing military roads and canals, that the one ne- 
cessarily implied the other. He argued, that the conven- 
tion which formed the constitution, had in vain confided 
to the general government the authority to declare war, 
and to employ the whole physical means of the country 
to bring it to a successful termination, unless, at the same 
time, the government derived, hy implication, the power to 
transport these means wherever they might be wanted — a 
measure which, in many instances, it would be impossi- 
ble to carry into effect, but by the construction of canals 
and military roads. He illustrated his position by ap 
pealing to well-known facts. He showed, that many of 
our greatest misfortunes, during the late war with Great 
Britain, might have been prevented, many valuable lives 
saved, and an immense property preserved from destruc- 
tion, had not the want of roads and canals rendered it im-- 
practicable for our armies to pass with celerity from one 
point to another. The experience of other countries was 
adduced to strengthen the conclusions drawn from that of 
our own. The orator justly remarked, that it was by the 
construction of those magnificent military roads, which 
are, even now, among the wonders of Europe, that the old 
Romans rendered themselves, for centuries, the masters of 
the world, and diffused law, liberty, and intelligence, around 
them. It was the doctrine of Mr. Clay, that a chain of 
roads and canals, together with a small military establish, 
ment for keeping up our more important fortresses, consti- 



152 BIOGRAPHY OF 

tuted that species of preparation for war, which it was 
the right and the duty of the general government to pro- 
vide in a season of peace. His opponents, at length, con- 
ceded, that military roads might be made, when called for 
by an emergency. " This," said Mr. Clay, " is a conces- 
sion, that the constitution conveys \h^ ■'power to make 
them ; and we may safely appeal to the judgement of the 
candid and enlightened, to decide between the wisdom of 
these two constructions, of which one requires you to 
wait for the exercise of your power until the arrival of an 
emergency, which may not allow you to exert it — and 
the other, without denying you the power, if you can ex- 
ercise it during the emergency, claims the right of provi- 
ding beforehand against the emergenc}'." 

Mr. Clay's opponents rallied finally in defence of the 
position, that, if works of Internal Improvement were left 
by the government to the enterprise of individuals, they 
would always be executed, from motives of private inte- 
rest, as early as the conditioii:)of society required them. 
Mr. C. admitted, that such might generally be the case in 
old countries, where there was a great accumulation of 
capital, and consequently a low rate of interest ; but he as- 
serted, and proved to the satisfaction of every one, that, in 
a new country like ours, the general good of the commu- 
nity might often require publick works long before there 
would be, in the hands of individuals, the capital requisite 
for their construction. He showed, moreover, that the ag- 
gregate of all the advantages that would be likely to re- 
sult to the publick from any given work, might be such as 
to warrant the undertaking, and yet these advantages be 
diffused among different classes of men so entirely separa- 
ted by distance and occupation as to be unable to act in 
concert. The Delaware and Chesapeake canal, and the 
turnpike roads over the Alleghany mountains, are works 



HENRY CLAY. 153 

of this description. Mr. C. said, with truth, that the capi- 
tahst, who should invest money in one of these improve- 
ments, would probably receive less than three per cent, 
profit, while, at the same time, the community, taken in 
all its branches, was receiving an annual profit of fifteen 
or twent}^ per cent, at least. " The benefit resulting from 
a turnpike road, made by private associations, is divided 
between the capitalist, who receives his tolls, the lands 
through which it passes, and which are augmented in 
their value, and the commodities, whose value is enhanced 
by the diminished expense of transportation. A combina- 
tion upon any terms, much more a just combination, of all 
these interests to efifect the improvement, is impracticable. 
And if you await the arrival of the period, when the tolls 
alone can produce a competent dividend, it is evident, that 
you will have to suspend its execution, until long after 
the general interests of society would have authorized it.'' 
Mr. C. showed, in the progress of his argument, that there 
were certain great works of internal improvement, to which 
the resources of a state were as inadequate as those of pri- 
vate capitalists. He instanced the improvement of the 
navigation of the Mississippi. " In this great object," said 
he, " twelve states and two territories are, in different de- 
grees, interested. It is an object, which can be effected 
only by a confederacy. And here is existing that confe- 
deracy, and no other can lawfully exist ; for the constitu- 

I tion prohibits the states, immediately interested, from en- 
tering into any treaty or compact with each other." 

|: Mr. C.'s commentary upon Mr. Monroe's message, al- 
though perfectly respectful and courteous, was fraught 
with a species of severity, which must have fallen un- 
gratefully upon the feelings of that high functionary ; for 
it was the severity of truth and unanswerable argument. 
Mr. M. had denied, in his message, the constitutional power 



154 BIOGRAPHY OF 

of the government to make roads or canals ; but this de 
nial was at war with his own acts; and Mr. Clay thought, 
that the acts of any man, however high his station, were 
infinitely more intelligible than mere paper sentiments or 
declarations. The President, in a tour through the Uni- 
ted States during the summer of 1817, had ordered a road 
to be cut or repaired from near Piatt sburgh, in the state of 
New- York, to the river St. Lawrence. He did this in a 
time of profound peace, without consulting the state of 
New- York, and relied on congress to sanction the act by 
an appropriation. Upon his own responsibilitj^, he had 
ordered similar improvements in other parts of the United 
States. " An4 is it come to this," said Mr. Clay, "that 
there are to be two rules of construction for the constitu- 
tion — one an enlarged rule, for the executive, and another 
a restricted rule, for the legislature ? Is it already to be 
held, that, according to the genius and nature of our con- 
stitution, powers of this kind may be safely entrusted to 
the executive, but, when attempted to be exercised by the 
legislature, are so alarming and dangerous, that a war 
with all the allied powers would be less terrible, and, that 
the nation should clothe itself straightway in sackcloth 
and ashes ? No, sir, if the power belongs hy imphcation 
to the chief magistrate, it is placed, both by implication 
and express grant, in the hands of congress." 

In attempting a concise sketch of Mr. Clay's speech, 
we have perhaps given some faint idea of his arguments, 
but it is impossible to convey an image of the eloquence, 
with which they were enforced ; we can paint the shaft, 
but not the eagle plume, that winged it on its lightning 
courses. The speech, taken as a whole, is one of the 
strongest constitutional arguments on record. There is noi 
sacrifice to ornament in any part of it, and yet it is coj^-; 
tinually bursting out into those high flashes of enthusiasm, 



HENRY CLA* 155 

which evince, that the orator felt vividly the importance 
of the great system, whose title to life or death was now to 
be sealed by the issue of his exertions. His peroration 
was surpassingly impressive, and calculated, when pro- 
nounced in his peculiarly deep and powerful tones, to 
make the blood go thrilHng through the veins, like a shout 
of victory. 

jNIr. Clay carried his motion by a majority of ninety to 
seventy -five. This triumph, achieved as it was; not only 
over the opinions of two illustrious ex-presidents, but over 
the most active struggles of Mr. Monroe and the whole 
administration party, was one of the most splendid events 
in parliamentary history. Mr. C. was not, as in the cause 
of South American independence, even temporarily baf- 
fled by the tremendous power of the executive. He dash- 
ed it back, as if it were but a rushing wave and he a giant 
rock. 

It was on this occasion, that Mr. Clay laid deep the 
foundation of a universal system of Internal Improve- 
ments, and he did not leave his task undone. Let our 
readers consult the records of the subsequent sessions of 
congress, and they will see, that, from year to year, he re- 
turned to his work, oftentimes in defiance of the most 
powerful obstacles, and carried it on with an energy, 
which was equally a stranger to wearinesss and defeat. 
We well remember — what his enemies as well as friends 
will be prompt to acknowledge — that the whole fabrick 
of Internal Improvements was erected by himself; that 
he " heaved its pillars, one by one," and guarded it against 
all the assaults of the administration. 

The specific measure of Internal Improvement, to which, 
for the most part, he confined his labours, from the session 
of 1818 to that of 1824, was the continuation of the Cum- 
berland road. That stupendous work stands, an eternal 



156 BIOGRAPHY OF 

memorial of his eloquence and perseverance. With the 
labour of an intellectual Hercules, he stretched it out, 
league by league. It ascended not a hill, it crossed not a 
river, but by the impulse which it received from him. Nor 
are those, who are enjoying the benefits of his labours, un- 
mindful of their benefactor. Upon the Cumberland road 
stands a large and beautiful monument of stone, sur- 
mounted by the Genius of Liberty, and inscribed with the 
name of "HENRY CLAY." 

The last congressional speech that was made by Mr. 
C. in relation to Internal Improvements, he pronounced 
on the 16th of January, 1824, upon a bill authorizing the 
president of the United States to effect certain surveys and 
estimates of roads and canals. Mr. Monroe had opposed 
the great champion of Internal Improvements till tired of 
defeat, and, in his message at the opening of the session 
of 1824 — 5, he so far yielded what he supposed to be the 
point in controversy, as to acknowledge, that Congress 
had a constitutional power to appropriate money for roads, 
canals, and other national conveniences, but still denied, 
that it had the power to carry into effect the objects for 
which its appropriations were made. It now devolved on 
the enemies of Mr. Clay's system to make their own last 
effort against him, and, to this end, they marshalled their 
diminished ranks coollj^ and deliberately. Many of them 
are remembered to have declared, that, if they were now 
defeated, they should consider the system of Internal Im- 
provements as definitively established by competent au- 
thority, and accord to it ever afterwards their steady and 
cheerful support. 

Mr. Clay was assailed, on tliis occasion, by high and 
low, but, in the selection of his antagonists, he paid his 
first respects to the President. Notwithstanding the ob- 
vious disposition of Mr. Monroe, to effect a compromise be- 



J 



HENRY CLAY. 157 

tween himself and Mr. C, the latter considered his senti- 
ments no less objectionable than before, and bore them 
down as if they had been but rushes beneath his feet. It 
will be recollected, that, in 1818, Mr. Monroe's party 
claimed, that in respect to post-roads, the general govern- 
ment had no other authority than to use such as had been 
previously established by the states. They claimed, that 
to repair such roads was not within the governmental 
powers. Mr. M. now gave his direct sanction to this doc- 
trine, and added, that the states were at full liberty to 
alter, to change, and, of course, to shut up post-roads ?X 
pleasure. " Is it possible," said Mr. Clay, '' that this con- 
struction of the constitution can be correct — a construc- 
tion, which allows a law of the United States, enacted for 
the good of the whole, to be obstructed or defeated in its 
operation bi/ a county court in any one. of twenty-four 
state sovereignties? Suppose a state, no longer having 
occasion to use a post-road for its own separate and pecu- 
liar purposes, withdraws all care and attention from its 
preservation. Can the state be compelled to repair it ? — • 
No! — Then, may not the general government repair this 
road, which is abandoned by the state power 1 — And may 
it not protect and defend that which it has thus repaired, 
and which there is no longer an interest or inclination in 
the state to protect and defend ? Is it contended, that a 
road may exist in the statute book, which the state will 
not, and the general government cannot, repair and im- 
prove ? What sort of an account should we render to the 
people of the United States, of the execution of the high 
trust confided, for their benefit, to us, if we were to tel. 
them, that we had failed to execute it, because a state 
would not make a road for us ? The same clause of the 
constitution which authorizes congress to ' establish post- 
roads,' authorizes it also to 'establish post-offices.' Wil3 

14 



158 BIOGRAPHY OF 

it be contended, that congress, in the exercise of the power 
to ' estabhsh post-offices,' can do no more than adopt or 
designate some pre-existing office, erected and kept in re- 
pair hy state authority ? There is none such. It may, 
then, fix, build, create, and repair offices of its own, and its 
power over the post-roads is, by the constitution, equally 
extensive." 

Mr. Clay's opponents, especially Mr. Barber, of Vir- 
ginia, made a vigorous attempt to sustain Mr. Monroe, by 
pretending, that the jurisdiction which Mr. C. claimed 
for congress over post-roads, furnished a just occasion for 
serious alarm to the state authorities. " The jurisdiction," 
said Mr. Clay, in reply, '-which is claimed for the general 
government, is that only which relates to the necessary 
defence, protection, and preservation of the road. What- 
ever does not relate to the existence and protection of the 
road, remains with the state. Murders, trespasses, con- 
tracts, all the occurrences and transactions of society upon 
the road, not affecting its actual existence, will fall within 
tne jurisdiction of the civil or criminal tribunals of the 
state, as if the road had never been brought into existence. 
How much remains to the state ! How little is claimed for 
the general government ! — Is it possible that a jurisdic- 
tion so limited, so harmless, so unambitious, can be re- 
garded as seriously alarming to the sovereignly of the 
states ! Mails certainly imply roads, roads imply their 
own preservation, their preservation implies the power to 
preserve them, and the constitution tells us, in express 
terms, that we shall establish the one and the other." 

Mr. Clay's argument, in defence of the constitutional 
right of the government to cut canals, was more striking 
and conclusive, than that which he had used on the same 
subject in IS 18. He placed the matter hi a light entirely 
new. He had before attempted to show, that the srovern- 



HENRY CLAY. 159 

ment derived the right of making canals from its authority 
to declare and prosecute war ; and he now argued, that it 
derived the same right from its authority to regulate do- 
mestic commerce. "Congress," said he, "has power to 
regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the 
several states. Precisely the same measure of power, 
which is granted in the one case, is conferred in the other. 
Suppose, instead of directing the legislation of this govern- 
ment, constantly, as heretofore, to the object of foreign 
commerce, to the utter neglect of the interior commerce 
among the several states, the fact had been reversed, and 
now, for the first time, we were about to legislate for our 
foreign trade : should we not, in that case, hear all the 
constitutional objections made to the erection of buoys, 
beacons, light-houses, the surveys of coasts, and the other 
numerous facilities accorded to the foreign trade, which 
we now hear to the making of roads and canals ? Two 
years ago, a sea-wall, or, in other words, a marine canal^ 
was authorized by an act of congress, in New-Hampshire ; 
and many of those voted for it, who have now constitu- 
tional scruples on this bill. Yes, any thing, every thing, may 
be done for foreign commerce ; any thing, every thing, on 
the margin of the ocean ; but nothing for domestick trade — 
nothing for the great interior of the country. Yet the 
equity and the beneficence of the constitution equally com- 
prehend both. The gentlemen do, indeed, maintain, that 
there is a difference as to the character of the facilities in 
the two cases. But I put it to their own candour, whether 
the only difference is not that which springs from the na- 
ture of the two elements on which the two species of com- 
merce are conducted — the difference between land and 
water. The principle is the same, whether you promote 
commerce by opening for it an artificial channel where 
now there is none, or by increasing the ease or safety with 






160 BIOGRAPHY OF 

Avhich it TiiOiy be conducted through a natural channel, 
which the bounty of Providence has bestowed. In the 
one case, jour object is to facilitate arrival and departure 
from the ocean to the land ; in the other, it is to accom- 
plish the same object from the land to the ocean. Physi- 
cal obstacles may be greater in the one case than in the 
other, but the moral, or constitutional power, equally in- 
cludes both." 

The majority by which Mr. C. prevailed in the final 
vote, was far beyond his own expectation. His majority 
in 1818 was less than twenty, but it went on increasing-, 
from year to year, and now it was such as to show the 
inability of protracted opposition to the cause of Internal 
Improvements ; at least, during Mr. C.'s stay in congress. 
Its enemies were disarmed. Not a few of them had the 
magnanimity to unite in support of the sj^stem, which they 
had before felt it their duty to assail ; and there seemed no 
further obstacle to such an application of the wealth and 
energies of the Republick, as, in the lapse of time, should 
make our territory the Paradise of the world. Obstacles 
have since arisen ; but we trust in God, that the majestick 
work of years — builded up by energies so unfailing in 
their perseverance and so sublime in their might — will not 
be lightly prostrated. 

There are few men of the present age, the renown of whose 
whole lives might not be wisely exchanged for the empjTe- 
an flame of glory, that is to rest upon the name of " Clay," 
for his exertions in the single cause of Internal Improve- 
ments. What are the specifick results, to which those ex- 
ertions are to lead ? — The computation is scarce within 
the capacity of a human intellect. The desert will blos- 
som as the rose, and new streams will start into being, as at 
the voice of Omnipotence, bearing wealth and beauty upon 
their tide, ministering to the noble commerce of mind, and, 



HENRY CLAY. Hy\ 

our whole country will, as it were, be created anew, with 
greater powers and enlarged capacities. 

From such sources is to spring a portion of the fame of - 
Henry Clay. Not simply inscribed upon an obelisk, that 
may crumble away into common earth, but graven upon 
his country's mightiest plains, cut through her solid 
mountains, and notched in her everlasting rocks, his name 
will live, a glory and a benison for ever. 

14* 



162 BIOGRAPHY OP 



SECTION FOURTH. 

The subject of the famous Seminole War was discussed 
m congress, in January, 1817. The events of that war 
have been so thoroughly investigated, and kept so con- 
stantly before the public, that there is no necessity for our 
giving them in very minute detail. 

At the breaking out of the conflict between the United 
States and Great Britain, in 1813, the majority of the 
Seminoles took part with the latter power, but a portion 
of them continued friendly to us. The injury done us by 
the nation was certainly very considerable, and such as to 
call for a prompt and efficient remedy. General Andrev," 
Jackson was accordingly sent against them, at the head 
of an effective military force ; and, in a short time, they 
were so completely reduced by famine and the sword, as 
to be unable to make further resistance. Under these cir- 
cumstances, a part of them sued for peace ; and a treaty 
was drawn up at Fort Jackson, in August, 1814. By this 
treaty, the American general subjected the miserable 
natives to terms more odious and tyrannical, than even the 
Goths and Vandals, who passed, like a flight of locusts, 
over the hills and valle3''s of Europe, blasting every green 
thing, were ever known to impose upon a conquered peo- 
ple. Although the condition of the Indians was so pitiable, 
that our people were absolutely required to save them from 
starvation by gratuitous supplies of bread ; although they 
were bending down before us as humbly and as helplessly 
as they could have knelt before their God — the chieftain- 
conqucor, forgetting, perhaps, the eternal principles of 



HENRY CLAT. 163 

justice and mercy in the intensity of his patriotism, refused 
to grant them peace, unless they would yield a large por- 
tion of their territory, convey to the United States impor- 
tant powers and privileges over the remainder, and sur- 
render into his hands the prophets of their nation. A treaty 
to this effect was signed by all those chiefs, who had been 
friendly to our country ; but it has been asserted, that not 
one of the hostile chiefs, who, with their followers, consti- 
tuted at least two thirds of the nation, affixed his mark to 
the instrument. 

It will not be thought surprising, that, after the date of 
this nominal peace, occasional acts of hostility continued 
to be perpetrated on our frontier by individuals of the Semi- 
nole nation. We know not, indeed, that these acts were 
at all reprehensible. In a letter from ten of the Seminole 
towns to the commanding officer of Fort Hawkins, under 
date of September 11th, 1817, it was stated, with every 
appearance of honesty and good faith, that, ^om the dixy 
of the treaty of Fort Jackson up to that time, not a single 
white man had been killed by them, but in revenge for the 
vranton murder of an Indian. The governor of Georgia, 
who was acquainted with all the facts, expressed his 
opinion that the Seminoles were not in fault. Even if they 
designed, by their occasional deeds of violence, to mani- 
fest their determination of not abiding by the treaty of 
Fort Jackson, it seems to us, that their conduct was nut 
wholly unjustifiable. As that treaty had been signed by 
only one third of the chiefs, we ma}'' well question, whe- 
ther its provisions could, by any possible construction, bo 
considered obligatory on the nation ; and, if they could 
not, the Seminoles had a right to demand, that, instead of 
holding their territory, we should extend to them the bene- 
fit of the ninth article of the treaty of Ghent, whereby we 
had bound ourselves to grant peace to all the Indians, 



164 BIOGRAPHY OP 

with whom we might be at war at the time of the ratification 
of the said treaty^ and to restore them their conquered 
lands. And besides ; even admitting, that the treaty of 
Fort Jackson was as vahd as it could have been rendered 
by the signatures of all the chiefs, still its whole character 
was so grossly and manifestly oppressive, that the poor 
Indians who were the victims of it, had, if we mistake not, 
a right, under the immutable laws of nature, to rise at the 
first opportunity, and redeem themselves from vassalage. 
A people may sometimes be reduced by war to such an 
extremity of wretchedness, as to be willing to yield their 
property and their liberties for the sake of a temporary 
peace ; but, if their conqueror avails himself of their pros- 
tration, to demand every thing, which, in the depth of their 
misery, they will consent to grant, he may rest assured, 
that, as soon as the first feeling of strength comes over them, 
they will, with one accord, shiver their fetters into frag- 
ments, and rush again to battle. 

These facts and reasonings are suggested to show, that, 
although it may have been our duty to quell the hostili- 
ties which took place after the treaty of Fort Jackson, we 
ought not, in doing this, to have treated the wretched 
Indians as outlaws, but rather to have conducted toward 
them with all the lenity that was consistent with prompti- 
tude and efficiency of action. But what was our course ? 
General Jackson, who had once subdued the natives and 
ground them and their wigwams to the dust, was sent 
again to attack them; and the atrocities which he dis- 
played toward them in this second war, as well as the 
contempt which he showed for the rights of neutral pow- 
ers, have no parallel in our military annals. 

The high-handed and lawless measures of General 
Jackson during the campaign, were well calculated to 
alarm the friends of the constitution. Accordingly, a 



HENRY CLAY. 165 

series of resolutions was offered to congress at the session 
of 1818-19, expressing, in decided though respectful lan- 
guage, a disapprobation of the chieftain's conduct, and 
proposing a legislative provision against the occurrence of 
farther outrages of the same description. 

Grateful for General Jackson's military services, and, 
perhaps, dazzled by the brilliancy of his immortal victory 
at New-Orleans on the 8th of January, 1815, the Presi- 
dent and his cabinet were strongly disposed to overlook 
his errors ; and every effort was made to prevent the pas- 
sage of the resolutions before congress. Indeed it required 
no little moral courage, at that day, to come forward as 
the publick accuser of Andrew Jackson ; and any thing 
that might be said against him, seemed likely to be lost in 
the whirlwind of huzzas, which was sweeping wildly 
over the land. Of all the great men in congress, Mr. Clay 
alone appeared able to appreciate the empty shouts of the 
multitude, and to turn a calm and searching look upon 
the flashing pageantry of military glory. He had a light 
within his own soul — the immortal light of patriotism 
and of intellect — with which he had been too long fa- 
miliar to be dazzled and bewildered by the pomp and 
glitter of heroick renown. He had been the personal friend 
of General Jackson : he had rejoiced, with a patriot's en- 
thusiasm, in the deeds of the chieftain, so long as they 
were restrained within the limits of legal authority ; but 
now he stood forth to vindicate the majesty of the consti- 
tution, in defiance of whatever might oppose him. It was 
"not that he loved Csesar less, but that he loved his 
country more." 

One of the measures of General Jackson, which Mr. 
Clay reprobated in his speech before congress, was the 
massacre of Indiaii frisoners. The general's first step in 
the campai'gn had been to decoy the Seminole chiefs into 



156 BIOGRAPHY OF 

his camp by the stratagem of a false flag, and to hang 
thera, hke dogs, upon the first tree. Not content with 
this offering to vengeance, he afterwards put to death 
prisoners of the humblest rank, with a cold-bloodedness 
which might have led a spectator to imagine, that the 
American army, while annihilating every other vestige of 
the aborigines, was determined to take up and perpetuate 
their peculiar spirit of atrocity — the only relick saved 
from the ruins of a mighty people. Mr. C. claimed, that 
this barbarity of Jackson was wholly wanton and gratui- 
tous ; that it could have no possible tendency to intimidate 
the Indian tribes, who, it is well understood, never 
•trouble themselves about the fate of an enemy's prisoners; 
that the only motive for it must have been an open and 
imdisguised spirit of revenge ; and, that it was directly 
opposed to what had been the usage of the American 
heroes, no one of whom was ever known to treat an un- 
armed captive, whether coming from the courts of Eu- 
rope or from the western forests, but with forbearance and 
humanity. He insisted that, as the practice of extending 
mercy to Indian prisoners had uniformly prevailed from 
the earliest sera of our history, it was a portion of the com- 
mon law of the land, and no military commander, how- 
ever high in station or renowned in exploit, was at liberty 
to disregard it. The following remarks are beautiful and 
forcible. 

" When did this humane custom, by which, in consider- 
ation of Indian ignorance and our enlightened condition 
the rigours of war were mitigated, begin? — At a time 
when we were weak and they were comparatively strong 
— when they were the lords of the soil, and we were 
seeking to gain an asylum among them. And when is 
it proposed to change this custom — to substitute for it the 
bloody maxims of barbarous ages, and to interpolate the 



HENRY CLAV. 167 

Indian publick law with revolting cruelties ? At a time, 
when the situation of the two parties is totally changed — 
when we are powerful and they are weak — at a time, 
when, to use a figure drawn from their own sublime elo- 
quence, the great wave, which has flowed in from the 
Atlantick ocean, has driven back the poor children of the 
forest almost to the base of the Rocky mountains, and, 
overwhelming them in its terrible progress, has left no 
other remains of hundreds of tribes, now extinct, than 
those which indicate the remote existence of their former 
companion, the Mammoth of the New World ! — Yes, sir, 
it is at this auspicious period of our country, when we hold 
a proud and lofty station among the nations of the earth, 
that we are called upon to sanction a departure from the 
established laws and usages, which have regulated our 
Indian hostilities. And do gentlemen think, in this au- 
gust body, this enlightened assembly of Christians and 
Americans, by glowing appeals to our passions, to make 
us forget our principles, our religion, our clemency, and 
our humanity ?" 

Another lawless measure, which Mr. Clay discussed at 
considerable length, was General Jackson's treatment of 
Messrs. Arbuthnot and Ambrister, two Englishmen, who 
had been trading with the Seminoles, and who, in the 
course of the campaign, fell into the hands of the Ameri- 
can army. Ambrister was taken in the Indian camp, ana 
was suspected of having led the savages to battle ; but 
Arbuthnot was seized within the limits of a neutral terri- 
tory, and was charged with no other crime than that of 
informing the Indians, that the treaty of Ghent gave them 
a right to their lost territory, and advising them to recover 
it, if necessary, by force of arms. General Jackson gave 
orders, that both the prisoners should be tried by a court 
martial. The court sentenced them to death, but, upon a 



168 BIOGRAPHY OF 

re-consideration of the testimony, revoked the sentence of 
Ambrister, and decided, that he should merely be punished 
with fifty stripes. The General, however, not choosing to 
abide by the decision of the tribunal, to which he himself 
had voluntarily referred the fate of his prisoners, caused 
both of them to be executed without delay. In his report to 
government, he stated, that the prisoners had been "legally 
convicted, legally condemned, and justly executed." 
God forgive him. The whole legality, at least of Ar- 
buthnot's execution, consisted in the caprice of General 
Jackson, and his reckless defiance of the proceedings of 
court. 

Mr. Clay proved the chieftain's conduct in this affair 
so entirely wrong, and so grossly at war with the first 
principles of law and justice, that every honest and un- 
prejudiced man in the house of representatives must have 
yielded at once to conviction. The principle on which 
Jackson himself relied to justify his treatment of Arbuth- 
not and Ambrister, is to be found in his general orders for 
their execution. He says, " it is an established principle 
of the law of nations, that any individual of a nation, 
making war against the citizens of any other nation, they 
being at peace, forfeits his allegiance, and becomes an 
outlaw and a pirate." Now suppose, that Arbuthnot and 
Ambrister icere " outlaws and pirates" — what right had 
General Jackson, either to execute the former on the au- 
thority of a court martial, or the latter on his own autho- 
rity ? — Outlaws and pirates are amenable to the civil au- 
thority, and not to individuals or a court martial ; and, 
if such was the character of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, it 
was the General's duty to retain them as prisoners, to be 
tried in a court of justice. He cannot be justified upon his 
own principles. 

Arbuthnot and Ambrister, however, did wo^ become "out- 



HENRY CLAY. 169 

laws and pirates," by connecting themselves with the In- 
dian tribes, who were at war with us. Even if both of 
them had actually taken up arms against us — and it has 
been proved, that one of them did not — the fact would 
simply have identified them with the Indians, and made 
them liable to the same treatment from us, that we are 
authorized, by the law of nations, to extend to other open 
and avowed enemies. This position Mr. Clay illustrated 
by the practice of all nations in all ages. Its validity is 
unquestionable. In the days of our revolution, England 
and Poland were at peace ; but who has ever called the 
illustrious and chivalricli Pidaski an "outlaw" or a 
"pirate," for drawing his sword in defence of American 
liberty ? During the Seminole war, there were probably 
in General Jackson's own army, the subjects of almost 
every power in Europe ; and these men were as much 
"pirates" and "outlaws" for fighting against the Indians, 
with whom their respective countries were at peace, as 
Arbuthnot and Ambrister could have been for fig-htinff 
against the citizens of the United States. " Are gentle- 
men prepared," said Mr. Clay, "to return to their respect- 
ive districts with this doctrine in their mouths, and say to 
their English, Scotch, and other foreign constituents — 
yoQ are liable, in the event of war, to be treated as outlaws 
and pirates?" 

It may be true, that Arbuthnot and Ambrister influenced 
the Indians to undertake the war. What then ? — This 
could not justify their being sentenced to death by any tri- 
bunal whatever, much less by a court martial, or by An- 
drew Jackson, in defiance of a court martiak "If," said 
Mr. Clay, " William Pitt had been taken by the French 
army, during the late European war, could France have 
justifiably executed him, on the ground of his having no- 
toriously instigated the continental powers to war against 



170 BIOGRAPHY OF 

France ? — Would France, if she had stained her charac- 
ter by executing him, have obtained the sanction of the 
world to the act, by appeals to the passions and the pre- 
judices, by pointing to the cities sacked, the countries laid 
waste, the human lives sacrificed in the wars he had 
kindled, and by exclaiming to the unfortunate captive, 
'you ! miscreant, monster, have occasioned all these scenes 
of devastation and blood ?' What has been the conduct, 
even of England, towards the greatest instigator of all the 
present age? — The condemnation of that illustrious man 
to the rock of St. Helena is a great blot on the English 
name. On that transaction, history will one day pass its 
severe but just sentence. Yes, although Napoleon has 
desolated half Europe; although there is scarce a pow- 
er, however humble, that escaped the mighty grasp of his 
ambition ; although, in the course of his splendid career, 
he is charged with having committed the greatest atro- 
cities, disgraceful to himself and to human nature, yet 
even his life, has been spared. The allies would not, 
England would not execute him, upon the ground of his 
beinsr an instigator of wars." 

We have stated, that General Jackson ordered the 
execution of Ambrister in opposition to the sentence of the 
court martial. To justify this open departure from all 
form, the chieftain's defenders in congress insisted, that 
every commanding officer has an inherent right in himself 
to retaliate upon his enemies according to his own discre- 
tion ; and, consequently, that General J. might justly have 
ordered the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister without 
the formality of a trial. If this were admitted, it could 
avail nothing in the present case. After General Jackson 
had, of his own accord, appealed to the court, his right of 
deciding the case for himself, if ever it existed,- was volun- 
tarily surrendered. But Mr. Clay proved, in his argu- 



HENRY CLAY. 17] 

ment, that the right of retaliation, which was claimed for 
the hero, could not belong to him. Mr. C.'s doctrine was, 
that the power of retaliation was an attribute of sove- 
reignty; that it was comprehended in the war-making 
power possessed by congress ; that, although retaliation 
might be a principle of the law of nations, it belonged to 
the civil authority to constitute the tribunal for applying 
that principle ; that the execution, even of spies^ had not 
been left to the discretion of commanding officers, but to 
a tribunal provided by government; that, in this free 
country, the majesty of the law surrounded every prisoner, 
and he could not be justly executed, without its being 
shown, not only that the law had condemned him to death, 
but that his sentence had been pronounced by the tribunal, 
which was authorized by the law to try him ; that to con- 
centrate in one individual the power to make, judge, and 
execute the law, was the very definition of despotism; that 
a military commander, who had not even the disposal of 
the property, which he might take by reprisals upon an 
enemy, could much less claim the disposal of the lives of 
his prisoners; that the power of retaliation, whenever 
deemed necessary in the past history of the United States, 
had been conferred by an express provision of congress ; 
that it had never been conferred, even for a limited time 
and purpose, upon any functionary subordinate to the 
chief magistrate ; and that even the father of the ahen and 
sedition laws, had never thought, amid all his usurpa- 
tions of power, of claiming it as an inherent right. 

In respect to Arbuthnot, who was made a prisoner 
within the territory of a neutral people, Mr. C. held his 
execution to be more atrocious than that greatest of all 
the atrocities of Napoleon, the execution of Louis of 
France. Louis, like Jackson's victim, was taken in a 
neutral territory ; but he was, at least, put to death ac- 



i 




172 BIOGRAPHY OF 

cording to his sentence, and the neutral ground was no< 
stained bj his blood. 

The other offences of General Jackson, which Mr. C, 
deemed obnoxious to censure, consisted in the outrages that 
he committed upon the Spanish authorities, while enga- 
ged in the subjugation of the Serninoles. Here he had 
literally taken into his own hands the war-making power, 
and exercised it without control. At the opening of the 
campaign, he received orders from the war department, at 
Washington, to pass, if necessary, into the Spanish terri- 
tory, but, under all circumstances, to respect the local au- 
thorities. Even if the Indians should take shelter under a 
Spanish fortress, he was not to make an attack upon it, 
but to report the fact to the war department, and wait for 
further orders. We were then carrying on a negotiation 
with Spain ; and it was of the utmost importance, that the 
amicable relations between the two countries should not 
be interrupted. What did General Jackson do ? — Instead 
of obeying the orders of government, he reduced St, 
Marks, a Spanish fortress, and occupied it with his own 
troops, near the close of March, 1818. By the 20th of 
April, he had effectually pat an end to the war, and soon 
afterwards he commenced his return march. His career 
of violence, however, was not yet closed. On the 23d of 
May, he received a letter from the Spanish governor at 
Pensacola, complaining of his unprovoked and unaccount- 
able attack upon St. Marks, and warning him, that any 
future aggression of the kind would be met by force. The 
letter was precisely what any brave man, determined to 
maintain his own honour and that of his nation, would 
have written ; but General Jackson considered it a per- 
sonal insult, and, marching instantly for Pensacola, took 
possession of it on the following day, and, shortly after^ 



HENRY CLAY. 173 

wards, reduced the main fortress of San Carlos de Baran- 
cas by force of arms. 

It would seem, indeed, as if even infatuation itself 
could not have attempted to justify General Jackson for 
such flagitious violations of the rights of Spain ; yet the 
attempt was made. As an excuse for taking St. Marks, 
the general had informed the war department, in a letter 
dated a day or two prior to the event, that he thought the 
place a convenient depot for his military operations, and 
was moreover afraid, that, unless he took it, it would fall 
into the hands of the Indians. The former reason is too 
absurd for notice, and the latter is but little better. He 
could not be afraid, that the Indians would possess them- 
selves of St. Marks. At his bare approach, the frightened 
fugitives fled in all directions, without lifting a hand 
against him ; and, when he had arrived in the vicinity of 
the fortress, there loas scarce an Indian in all that section 
of country. Mr. Clay compared the capture of the fort to 
the seizure, by Lord Nelson, of the Danish fleet at Copen- 
hagen — a deed, for which England has been more cen- 
sured than for almost any other event in her historj'. 
England pretended to be afraid, that the fleet of Denmark, 
unless taken by her, would fall into the hands of Bonaparte, 
who was then playing "the game of empires" upon tlie 
Eastern continent. Did this reason avail Britain in the 
eyes of the world 1 — No. She has found no refuge from 
the storm of execration, that has been poured upon her for 
her conduct. " And yet," said Mr. Clay, " she, perhaps, 
was struggling for her existence. She was combatting, 
single-handed, the most enormous military power, that the 
world had ever known. Whom were ice contendinir with? 
With a few half-starved, half-clothed, wretched Indians 
and fugitive slaves. And, whilst carrying on this inglo- 
rious war — inglorious as it regards the laurels or renown 

15* 



174 BIOGRAPHY OF 

von in it — we violate neutral rights which the governmeni 
had solemnly pledged itself to respect, upon the principle of 
convenience^ or, upon the light of presumption, that, by 
possibility, a post might be taken by this miserable com- 
bination of Indians and fugitive slaves !" 

For the capture of Pensacola and the Barancas, no 
reason was assigned in congress by General J.'s friends, 
which he himself would not probably have disdained to 
acknowledge. He never pretended to be apprehensive, 
that the Indians would occupy these places, and he seems 
t3 have attacked them from no other motive than that of 
resentment for what he conceived to be a personal indig- 
nity offered him in the letter of the Spanish governor. 
Mr. Mom'oe immediately restored them to Spain, 
acknowledging, that the holding of them would be just 
cause of war; and yet he and his cabinet used their influ- 
ence to save General Jackson from leirislative censure. 
Theirs was the anomalous and inexplicable doctrine, that 
Jackson had a o'ight to reduce the places, hut that the 
government had no right to occupy them. 

We give below the close of Mr. Clay's address. It is 
fervid and eloquent — depicting, in -dark and gloomy 
colours, the dangers that spring from the power of mili- 
tary chieftains, spurning at civil authority, and leaving 
their bloody foot-prints upon a broken constitution. It 
exhibits the wisdom of a mind which has learned the 
tendencies of unbridled military authority, by looking 
back upon the awful work that it has done — by contem- 
plating, with a philosophick eye, the ocean of history, 
whose dim shores have been paved with the wrecks of 
fallen empires. 

" Recall to your recollection the free nations which 
have gone before us. Where are they now ? 



HENRY CLAY. 175 

Gone gliminoring througli the dream of things, that were — 
A school-boy's tale, the wonder of an hour. 

And how have ihey lost their Hberties? If we could 
transport ourselves back to the ages, when Greece and 
Rome flourished in their greatest prosperity, and, mingling 
in tlie throng, should ask a Grecian if he did not -fear that 
some darmg military chieftain, covered with glory, some 
Philip or Alexander, would one day overthrow the liber- 
ties of his country — the confident and indignant Grecian 
would exclaim, no ! no ! — we have nothing to fear from 
our heroes : our liberties will be eternal. If a Roman 
citizen had been asked, if he did not fear that the con- 
queror of Gaul might establish a throne upon the ruins of 
publick liberty, he would instantly have repelled the un- 
just insinuation. Yet Greece "has fallen, Ceesar passed 
the Rubicon, and the patriotick arm, even of Brutus, could 
not preserve the liberties of his devoted country ! 

" We are fighting a great moral battle, for the benefit, 
not only of our own country, but of all mankind. The 
eyes of the whole world are in fixed attention upon us. 
One, and the largest portion of it, is gazing with contempt, 
with jealousj', and with envj^ ; the other portion, with 
hope, with confidence, and with affection. Every where 
the black cloud of legitimacy is suspended over the world, 
save only one bright spot, which breaks out from the po- 
litical hemisphere of the West, to enlighten and animate 
and gladden the human heart. Obscure that, by the 
downfall of liberty here, and all mankind are shrouded in 
a pall of universal darkness. To you, Mr. Chairman, 
belongs the high jmvilege of transmittmg unimpaired to 
(Dosterity, the fair character and liberty of our country. 
Do you expect to execute this high trust by trampling, or 
suffering to be trampled down, law, justice, the constitu- 
tion, and the rights of other people ? By exhibiting exam- 



176 BIOGRAPHY OF 

pies of inhumanity, and cruelty, and ambition ? "VVhcn 
tile minions of despotism heard, in Europe, of the seizure 
of Pensacola, how did they chuckle, and chide the admi- 
rers of our institutions, tauntingly pointing to the demon- 
stration of a spirit of injustice and aggrandisement made 
by our country, in the midst of amicable negotiation. 
Behold, said they, the conduct of those who are constantly 
reproaching kings. You saw how those admirers were 
astounded and hung their heads. You saw, too, when 
that illustrious man who presides over us, adopted his 
pacilick, moderate, and just course, how they once more 
lifted up their heads, with exultation and delight beaming 
in their countenances. And you saw how those minions 
themselves were finally compelled to unite in the general 
praises bestowed upon our government. Beware how 
you forfeit this exalted character. Beware how you give 
a fatal sanction, in this infant period of our fepublick, 
scarcely yet two score years old, to military insubordina- 
tion. Remember, tliut Greece had her Alexander, Rome 
her Ccesar, England her Cromwell, France her Bonaparie, 
and, that, if we would escape the rock on which they 
split, we must avoid their errors. 

" I hope gentlemen will deliberately survey the awful 
isthmus on which we stand. They may bear down all 
opposition; they may eve i vote the general the publick 
thanks; they may carry him triumphantly through this 
house. But if they do, in my humble judgem.ent, it will 
be a triumph of the principle of insubordination — a triumph 
of the military over the civil authority — a triumph over 
the powers of this house — a triumph over the constitution 
of the land. And I pray most devoutly to Heaven, that 
it may not prove, in its ultimate effects and consequences, 
a triumph over the liberties of the people." 

This speech of Mr. Clay, though in all respects equal 



HENRV CLAY. 1/ / 

to the splendid orations of Sheridan in the case of AVarren 
Hastings, or of the most magnificent of the philippicks of 
Burke, was not, Hke them, fraught with a spirit that 
seemed raging and maddening for a victim. It breathed 
not a spirit of vengeance, but of unfeigned regret — the 
spirit of one, who had nerved himself to the performance 
of a stern duty, but was compelled, after all his efforts, to 
*' strike with an averted face." 

Had it not been for the exertions of Mr. Monroe and his 
cabinet, the resolutions of censure, so triumphantly sup- 
ported, would have passed the house of representatives 
without difficulty. Most of the members, when they first 
heai-d of General Jackson's proceedings, were startled at 
his unparalleled temerity. They could not doubt, that, 
at every step of his progress, he had wantonly sacrificed 
the constitution and the laws to the bright thoughts of 
glory and the dark ones of revenge ; but still his fame was 
so high, he had fought so bravely on one great and memo- 
rable day of peril, that they had a secret longing to dis- 
cover some pretext for permitting him to pass unc ensured. 
J>Jothing but a slight apology wa.s wanted. Such an Gi'is 
was found in the wishes and professed opinions of the 
administration; and the vote of censure was lost hy a small 
majorit3^ Had Mr. Clay repeated his efforts in favour of 
the resolutions, as he had often before done on other great 
national questions, it is more than probable that he would 
have carried the vote of the house with him ; but, after 
giving one exposition of his views and principles, and 
ringing in his country's ear one deep and solemn warning, 
he believed that his dutj" was discharged, and the thought 
of following up an attack upon ihe conduct of an indi- 
vidual was far from agreeable to his feelings. 

The intercourse between Mr. Clay and General Jack- 
eon, which had before been of an amicable nature, was 



178 BIOGRAPHY OF 

here broken off. The general arrived at Washington th« 
day after Mr. C.'s speech was delivered; and the latter. 
to show that he was not disposed to suffer the sentiments 
of personal friendship to be interrupted by considerationa 
of a publick nature, immediately called and paid his re- 
spects to the chieftain at his lodgings. The visit was not 
returned; and General Jackson afterwards carried his 
animosity so far, as to refuse to interchange the common- 
courtesies of life with the man, who had dared to doub^ 
the legality of his conduct. 



HENRY CLAY. I79 



SECTION FIFTH. 

Probably the name of Henry Clay is hardly ever 
mentioned at the present period, without suggesting, by 
an irresistible association, the American system for the 
protection of home industry — a system, into which, like 
that of Internal Improvements, he breathed the breath of 
life, and which has lived, and moved, and had its being, 
in his influence. By his exertions for the promotion of 
this system, he has established a new era in the political 
economy of our country. 

Prior to the war with Great Britain, Mr. Clay, then a 
member of the senate, proposed that certain domestic manu- 
factures should be encouraged by the government. The 
proposition was accepted, and became a law. The en- 
couragem.ent, however, which was thus extended, con- 
sisted merely in a preference which the government, in 
purchasing the munitions of war, was to give to Ameri- 
can productions over those of any other country, when it 
could be done without detriment to the publick interest. 
The system of 'protection was not then established. 

At the close of the war, the institution of a new tariff 
was imperatively demanded by a variety of powerful conh 
siderations. The successive measures of restriction, to 
which the government had resorted to avert the war, and 
the war itself, had tempted many to embark in the busi- 
ness of manufacturing ; and the peace found numerous 
establishments, yet in their infancy, struggling, as it were, 
for existence. The subject accordingly came before corv- 
gress in the session of 1815-16, and occupied, for a long 



180 BIOGRAPHY OF 

time, its most anxious attention. Our statesmen and poli- 
ticians were then comparatively without experience hi this 
great branch of national economy, and could not be ex- 
pected to know, save from the reasonings of political econo- 
mists, and the practical results exhibited in the history of 
other nations, what system of policy was best adapted to 
the permanent prosperity of a people's industry. Assu- 
ming the expediency of protection, great embarrassment 
was felt in the adjustment of the proper measure of pro- 
tection. Mr. Clay was then a zealous advocate for the 
encouragement of our manufacturers, which he urged on 
the grounds of justice to the manufacturers themselves, 
who had been forced or induced to engage in their business 
by the policy of government, which they could not con- 
trol, and who would now be prostrated by the flood of 
foreign merchandize let in by the peace, if they were not 
sustained by the parental care of their own government. 
He also urged it on the broader groiuid of national utilitj'. 
The tariff bill was passed ; and during its progress through 
the committee of the whole house, where alone Mr. Clav. 
being speaker, could participate in the debate, a higher 
duty was adopted, through his exertions, for the important 
article of woollens — a dutj', which would have saved tL. 
manufacturer of that essential fabrick from much subse- 
quent distress, had it not been unfortunately reduced by a 
small majority in the house. 

This distress continued to exist, in a greater or less de- 
gree, till 1819-20, at which lime the subject to a tariff' 
was again before congress, and Mr. Clay enforced his 
views of tlie policy of protection with a spirit and elo- 
quence that nothing could withstand. The obstacles that 
opposed him were great, and, to a timid mind, would have 
appeared insurmountable. They consisted in the general 
prejudice that was felt against an untried system ; in the 



I 



HENRY CLAY. IS I 

want of co-operation on the part of the national executive,' 
in the secret influence of British factors ; and in the open 
opposition of nearly all the powerful capitalists of the 
country, who were apprehensive that the protection of 
manufactures would interfere with their own peculiar 
gains. When Mr. Clay took the field against all thes>^ 
impediments, it was with a full trust, that the strength 
whereby he had often before surmounted or put aside ob- 
stacles, which rose like successive ranges of mountains in 
his path, would again avail him in this his country' .s 
emergency. He justly regarded the contest in which he 
was now engaged, as a struggle for the perfect independ- 
ence of the United States, Our political emancipation 
had been achieved by the war of the revolution ] but, in 
commerce, we were yet the slaves of Britain, dependent on 
her for many of the necessaries of life. In this second 
war of Independence, Henry Clay was the American 
leader, as Geo. Washington had been in the first ; and, if 
the former was not required to devote to his work so many 
years of toil and peril as the latter, he, at least, brought to 
it an equal share of moral courage and intellectual vigour ; 
and every step of his difficult progress was worthy of an 
immortal trophy. 

As a reason for introducing a radical change into tlie 
policy of the country, Mr. Clety showed, that, in the very 
course of nature, it would be impossible for the United 
States to find in Europe a permanent market for their sur- 
plus productions. The population of the United States 
has been found to increase in a ratio four times as great u< 
that of Europe; and hence, admitting that the produce of 
our labour keeps pace with our population, it is obvious 
that the amount of this produce is increasing four timts 
as fast as the capacity of Europe to consume it. 

What were the most effectual means of rendering our 

16 



182 BIOGRAPHY OP 

selves independent of foreign markets, which, in all human 
probability, would be unable, at the end of fifty years, to 
receive one half of the surplus productions of our country ? 
There was no other mode than to institute markets of our 
own — to establish and. cherish manufactories of cotton 
and wool, which, while they enabled us to provide our 
own clothing, would divert the industry of a part of our 
citizens into new channels. The different portions of our 
population being engaged in different employments, one 
portion would be the consumers of the surplus produce of 
another, and our country would thus become a world 
within itself, and might look with unconcern upon the 
condition of foreign nations, and smile at the commercial 
edicts of councils and kings. 

The victorj^ achieved by Mr. Clay on this occasion, 
was equally glorious and unexpected. The house re-mo- 
delled the tariff of 1816, and laid such duties on foreign 
importations, as, it was supposed, would subserve the pur- 
poses of protection. The measure was, however, unfortu 
nately defeated in the senate. 

Experience is a nation's only guide in fixing a wise 
and efficacious system of policy. The congressional pro- 
visions, encouraging our manufactures, went into opera- 
tion, but owing to a combination of causes that had not 
been foreseen, they proved inadequate to the object for 
which they had been instituted. Their influence, so far 
as it extended, was beneficial ; yet they only served to 
mitigate evils, which were still almost insufferable. In 
1824, depression and distress were visible over the whole 
face of the country. They were apparent in the diminu- 
tion of our exportations ; in the reduced condition of navi- 
gation and commerce ; in the quantity of grain rotting in 
our store-houses for the want of purchasers ; in the unpre- 
cedented scarcity of money ; in the want of employment 



HENRY CLAY. 183 

among the labouring classes; and in the alarming depre- 
ciation of the value of the whole property of the United 
States. What was to be done? This question it was 
hard to solve, for the causes of our distress were misunder- 
stood. Misery was every where " rained upon men like 
dew," but, though fearfully visible in its consequences, it 
was not traced home to its hidden springs. 

In this hour of peril and dismay, when all hearts were 
failing, with a looking-for of ruin, Mr. Clay again came 
forward upon the floor of congress to save the country by 
his counsels. He knew his influence, and felt, almost to 
agony, the awful responsibiHty of the moment. Solemn 
and impressive as he always is, when entering into the 
discussion of the great interests of the age, he was per- 
haps never known to manifest so deep and religious a 
trust in the aid of Him, who ''can fashion at will the 
thoughts and passions of the heart," as on this occasion. 
"If," said he, "it were allowable for us, at the present 
day, to imitate ancient examples, I would invoke the aid 
of the Most High. I would anxiously and fervently 
implore His divine assistance ; that He would be gra- 
ciously pleased to shower on my country His richest bless- 
ings ; and that he would sustain, on this interesting oc- 
casion, the individual who stands before Him, and lend 
him the power, moral and physical, to perform the solemn 
duties which now belong to his publick station." 

After a glowing exordium, Mr. Clay entered with en- 
ergy upon his subject, and depicted the origin of the ge- 
neral calamity with such fearful distinctness, that his elo- 
(jLience seemed the drawing aside of a curtain — the reve- 
lation of a long hidden mystery. He claimed that all our 
distress sprung from human causes. The showers of 
Heaven fell upon our fields as bountifully as ever ; the 
morning sun and the evening dew still visited hill and 



184 BIOGRAPHY OF 

vaJIpy with their quickening power ; the yearly ofFerin|^ 
which the husbandman cast upon the earth was touched 
with the blessing of Heaven as visibly as the sacrifice of 
the Prophet of old, which was crowned by fire at the hill 
of Carmel; no ''scourge of God" was passing among us, 
to blast our plains with fire, and mingle blood in the foun- 
tains of which we drank ; and therefore, whatever might 
be the causes of the distress that pervaded the land, they 
v.'ere to be sought in events within our own control. 

Mr. C. referred all the evils which had come upon us 
to the fact, that, during nearly the whole existence of our 
government, we had shaped our commerce, our naviga- 
tion, and our home industry, in reference to a state of 
things in Europe, which now had no longer an existence. 
So long as Europe was involved in war, she had occasion 
for our commerce, and constituted a valuable and unfail- 
ing market for all the productions we could send abroad ; 
and, like a young and thoughtless nation, we had fashion- 
ed our whole policy upon the supposition that things 
would be always thus. Our foreign resources were culti- 
vated with unremitting assiduity, while those of a domes- 
tick character were left to almost utter neglect till 1816, 
and then protected by a tariff, which barely served to save 
them from entire annihilation. Of course, when the Eu- 
ropean wars terminated, the staff on which we had leaned 
was broken. Europe was now in a situation to sustain 
herself without our aid. As a necessary result, our ves- 
sels were dismissed from her employment, and our produce 
excluded from her markets. Our property, both on the 
land and the ocean, suffered a diminution in value of fifty 
per cent., and languor settled like a spirit of pestilence 
upon city and country. These consequences resulted from 
our policy as naturally as any effect ever follows its cause ; 
and Mr. Clay contended, that the only way of escapmg 



HENRY CLAY. 185 

them was to change our poHcj, to establish a great Ame- 
rican sj^stem, whereby the country should be poised upon 
her own centre, and her prosperity established on a found- 
ation as immoveable as the granite pillars of her mountains. 

We are of opinion that a more earnest and able debate 
never took place, either in the American congress or any 
other deliberative assemblj^, than that which ensued at 
this time upon the subject of the tariff. It constituted one 
of those great epochs, by which a nation's history is 
marked. Mr. Clay and Daniel Webster were the leaders 
of the opposing parties ; and their friends will not hesitate 
to acknowledge, that neither of them ever encountered a 
champion more worthy of his prowess. When such 
minds come in contact in the prime "S-iid vigour of their 
powers ; when, hour after hour, they dash against each 
other, like seas driven by adverse winds, and recoil back- 
ward but to renew the shock with added violence, there 
is a sublimity in the scene, greater than that of the war- 
ring elements, when the clouds are marshalling themselves 
like bloody giants in the sky, and the great waves of the 
ocean are rolled up before the storm-breath of the Al- 
mighty. 

Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster, though perhaps equal in 
strength, were wholly unlike each other in the conforma- 
tion of their minds. The arguments of Mr. Webster were 
powerful weapons, which went toward their mark with a 
force that seemed irresistible; but they were weapons, 
whose temper and character were known, and hence they 
could be guarded against with the more certainty. On 
the other hand, the contents of Mr. Clay's intellectual a»- 
moury, if not more massive, were, at least, more diversified 
and fatal. At one moment, he could strike with tremen- 
dous force in the strife of hand to hand, and then, per- 
chance, gall his enemy at a distance with arrows blazing 

16* 



186 BIOGRAPHY OF 

with the hottest flame of eloquence and passion, and 
Winding their victim by the fierce intensity of their bright- 
ness. A gentleman, who was a spectator of the encounter, 
and who has had the kindness to give us some aacount of 
it, describes the powers of the rival champions by a stri- 
king similitude. " The eloquence of Mr. Webster," sa3's 
he, '' was the majestick roar of a strong and steady blast 
pealing through the forest ; but that of Mr. Clay was the 
tone -of a god-like instrument, sometimes visited by an An- 
gel-touch, and swept anon by all the fury of the raging ele- 
ments.'' 

Mr. Clay rested his argument in favour of the protection 
of domestick industry upon the solid foundation of experi- 
ence. He appealed to the history of other countries, and 
showed, by mathematical computation, that the riches of 
every people were exactly proportionate to the degree in 
which they protected their home fabricks. Great Britain 
guarded the industry of her citizens by the heaviest pro- 
tecting duties ; and she was the most affluent nation on 
earth. France was the second in the degree of pro- 
tection, and second too in the order of wealth. Spain al- 
most wholly neglected her industry, and was consequent!}'' 
among the poorest of nations ; while the United States, 
from a still more culpable disregard of the protecting 
polic}', were poorer even than Spain. The effects of the 
restrictive system, in the creation of wealth, as exhibited in 
Great Britain, are indeed remarkable. Mr. Clsij stated the 
amount of her wealth, annually produced, to be three hun- 
dred and fifty millions sterling^ far the greater portion of 
which was produced by her manufacturers. It was this as- 
tonishing power of creating wealth, that enabled her to raise 
the innnense subsidies whereby she sustained herself 
through the almost interminable convulsions of Europe; 
turned back the flood of war, uhich the mighty spirit of the 



HENRY CLAY. 187 

Corsican ^v^as rolling over the eastern continent ; smote the 
sceptre from his convulsive grasp on the field of Waterloo ; 
and finally established a peace, without having exhausted 
her resources. 

It cannot but be a source of pride to the supporters of 
the American system, to observe with what success Mr. 
Clay attacked the positions of its enemies. In spite of 
the desperate strength with which some of them were de- 
fended, he demolished them, one by one ; and, when he 
had gone through the field, the work of destruction was at 
an end. There remained not an outwork or a fortress, but 
was utterly dismantled — and we can imagine the conque- 
ror to have sat amid their fallen piles, like the stern old 
Roman amid the ruins of Carthage. 

The first objection urged against Mr. Clay's system, 
was, that it would operate unequally ; that the South, 
owing to the character of its population, could not engage 
in the business of manufacturing, and consequently ought 
not to pay increased duties on foreign importations for the 
encouragement of this species of industry. To this Mr. 
C. replied, that the South could engage in manufacturing • 
that the obstacles to it were rather imaginary than real ; 
and that, to some branches of the busines.s, the slave popu- 
lation was peculiarly adapted. But supposing that it was 
otherwise : still the South had no right to claim that the 
policy of the union should be established in sole reference 
to the condition of the blacks — in other words, that the 
whole country should become the slave of slaves. Mr. 
Clay well remarked, that, under the old sj^stem of policy, 
there existed a sort of tacit compact between the southern 
cotton-grower and the English manufacturer, the condi- 
tions of which on the one side were, that the manufacturer 
should continue to purchase the cotton of the south, and, 
on the other, that the whole of the United States — the 



188 BIOGRAPHY OF 

eastern, western, and middle portions, as well as the 
southern, should remain open and vnrestricted in the 
consumption of English manufactures. The object of 
the tariff was not to sacrifice the south to the other sec- 
tions of the country, but simply to prevent all tlie rest 
of the country from being sacrificed to the south. The 
south complained, that, if the tariff were established, the 
price of certain objects of her consumption would be tem- 
porarily increased. The other parts of the union com- 
plained, that, if it were not established, they should be un- 
able to purchase the necessary objects of consumption at 
any price. At most, the tariff could only be inconvenient 
to the south, while the want of it would be ruinous to the 
country. Mr. Clay believed, however, that the adoption 
of the restrictive policy 'would ultimately be beneficial to 
the people of the southern states, whether they engaged 
in manufacturing or not. Under the old system, the En- 
glish manufacturers enjoyed the exclusive privilege of sup- 
plying the articles of southern consumption, and conse- 
quently supplied them at an exorbitant price. Under the 
operation of the tariff, manufactures would spring up in 
the United States to rival those of England, anil there 
could be little doubt, that, in consequence of the competi- 
tion, the south would be able, after the lapse of a very few 
3'ears, to purchase the objects of its consumption at a 
greatly diminished price. This position admitted of a 
forcible illustration. At the close of the late war, the 
American establishments for cotton-bagging, in Kentuckj^, 
were prostrated by the influx of the Scottish manufacture. 
Of course the Scotch subsequently monopolized the supply 
of the country. What was the effect ? They immediately 
raised the price of bagging to a sum that would have pro- 
iecied the American manufacture ten years. This in- 
creased price of the article induced the American establish 



HENRY CLAY. 1S9 

merits to go again into operation, and the effect was to 
reduce the price one half. 

In the second place it was objected, that the Tariff would 
diminish the amount of our exports; that Europe would 
not purchase of us unless we purchased of her. Mr. C. 
replied, that, as the bill before congress operated only on 
a few articles of foreign industry, Europe might still buy 
of us whatever she wanted, and pay us in articles not 
effected by the provisions of the Tariff If there were any 
falling-off in our exports, it must be in the article of cotton 
to Great Britain ; and, even in this, it was impossible, that 
the diminution should be important. Great Britain bought 
cotton of us annually to the amount of about five millions 
sterling, and sold it, in its manufactured forms, for more 
than twenty-one millions and a half Of the manufac- 
tured fabrick, the United States received only to the amount 
of a million and a half If Great Britain, in consequence 
of our Tariff, should refuse to purchase our cotton, she 
would lose the market for the twenty millions sterling, 
which she was selHng yearly to foreign powers. Such a 
loss she would not willingly incur. The diminution, then, 
in the exportation of cotton to Great Britain, could only 
be in the proportion of one and a half to twenty — a dimi- 
nution, which would be more than made up by the in- 
creased sale of the article in our own country. Besides: 
the new direction, given to our industry, v/ould produce 
new articles of exportation— articles, which, from the 
labour bestowed on their manufacture, would be far more 
valuable than raw materials — and hence, the aggregate 
of our exports, instead of diminish'mg in value, would bo 
greatly increased. 

The next objection to the Tariff was, that it would 
diminish our Naingation. Mr. Clay said, in reply, that, 
if he wLi-s rig-l.it in the supposition, that the protection of 



w 



V 



190 BIOGRAPHY OF 

our industry would produce new objects of exportation, 
our navigation would receive additional encouragement. 
Even if this interest, contrary to all probability, should 
experience a depression, the increase of the coasting trade 
would be more than a compensation for the injury. The. 
orator contended, moreover, that, in settling our manufac- 
turing and agricultural policy, the interests of navigation 
though certainly worthy of attention, should be regarded 
as of secondary importance. The whole business of na- 
vigation is to transport the productions of the agricultural 
and manufacturing branches of industry; and therefore it 
should accommodate itself to the actual condition of these 
branches, instead of requiring them to be moulded to its 
own purposes. 

Again: the opposers of the domestick policy objected, 
that its adoption would force capital and labour into new 
and reluctant employments — employments, for which we 
were unfitted by the high price of labour in this country. 
Mr. Clay remarked, in answer, that no man would enter 
upon the business of manufacturing unless at his own 
option. It was notorious, that one great cause of the dis- 
tress of the country, was the almost universal want of 
emplojanent. Agriculture, commerce, navigation, and 
all the learned professions, were overflowing with compe- 
titors. The establishment of manufactures would open a 
new field of business, and those who thought proper would 
eno-a<re in it, and none others. As to our beino; unfitted 
for manufacturing by the high price of labour, the sugges- 
tion was absurd. So great were the want of employment 
and the consequent embarrassment among the working 
classes, that instances were frequent, in which men laboured 
for a bare subsistence. Besides, manual labour was but 
a trifling consideration in the manufacturing arts. Al- 
most every thing had then come to be done by machinery. 



HENRY CLAV. 191 

In estimating the expense of English fabricks, the item of 
manual labour was quite too small for computation. The 
machine power of Britain was equal at that day to the 
manual power of two hundred millions of able-bodied 
day-labourers ; or eleven times as great as the aggregate of 
the whole natural power of the country. In this ad- 
vanced state of the arts, the circumstances most requisite 
for success in manufacturing, were capital, raw materials, 
ingenuity in the construction of machinery, and adroitness 
in the application of it. Our citizens were deficient in no 
one of these things, and hence there could be no doubt, 
that, with proper protection, their success would be com- 
plete. 

It was further urged, that, wherever there was a con- 
currence of favourable circumstances, manufactures would 
spring up of themselves, and flourish without protection. 
This theory, Mr. C. said, was refuted by fact. The sup- 
position, that manufactures, without protection, could 
maintain themselves in a competition with protected ma- 
nufactures, was refuted by the experience of all nations. 
There was never one iristance^ in which they thus main- 
tained themselves. The causes of their universal failure 
might be obvious or they might not — hut the fact still 
remained. It would be as preposterous to reject the fact 
on account of our ignorance of its causes, as to decline 
avaihng ourselves of the light of the sun because we may 
not know of what substance it is composed, 

Mr. Webster argued, that the protecting policy was 
condemned by the most enlightened statesmen of Europe, 
and that we, in adopting it, should only be decorating 
ourselves with the cast-off habiliments of other nations, 
Mr. Clay challenged any and all of his opponents to cite 
a solitary case, where a nation, after once enjoying the 
benefits of the restrictive system, had surrendered them, 



192 BIOGRAPHY OP 

He represenlecl his opponents as rejecting the evidence of 
the settled and permanent pohcj of Europe, and asking 
Congress to take lessons from a few speculative writers, 
whose visionarj theories had been nowhere adopted, or, 
if adopted, had brought nothing but poverty in their train. 
Great Britain had not relaxed from the most rigcurous 
restrictions. She not only protected the whole of her vast 
dominions against the rest of the world, but protected the 
parent countrj'' against the colonies — and even the differ- 
ent parts of the parent country against each other. Sup- 
posing, however, that Great Britain should abolish all 
restrictions upon trade — it vrould by no means follow, 
that we could safely imitate the example. Her manufac 
tures had been brought to maturity — but ours were in their 
infancy. If a universal system of free trade were to be 
established, Great Britain might, by reason of the perfec 
tion of her arts, increase in riches and prosperity, while, at 
the same time, every American manufacturer would inevi- 
tablj'- become a bankrupt. The lion may need no pro- 
tection — but the life of the lamb depends upon it. 

It was, at length, suggested by Mr. P. P. Barbour, of 
Virginia, toward the close of the discussion, that the pro- 
tection of domestic industry was contrary to the spirit of 
our constitution. It is indeed a curious fact, that this 
notion of the unconstitutionality of the Tariff — a notion 
which, within the last three or four years, has been very 
perseveringly and boisterously proclaimed — was never 
thought of during the long and able discussions of 1815 
and 1820, and merely alluded to in 1824 as an incidental 
consideration, in the soundness of which the most violent 
enemies of protection had obviously no sort of confidence 
Mr. Clay, in the slight notice which he thought fit to 
bestow upon this topic, deduced the right of taxing im- 
ported articles from that clause of the constitution, which 



HENRY CLAY. 193 

authorizes congress to regulate commerce with foreign 
nations. Under the authority of this clause, we had 
already passed embargoes, and laws of total non-inter- 
course, effecting an entire cessation of commerce with all 
the nations of the earth. 

All these objections, and innumerable others, were swept 
away by Mr. Clay's varied and matchless eloquence — 
sometimes whispering to the heart with a tone like that 
of twilight musick, and then calling to the passions with 
the mingled voice of earthquake and whirlwind. Nor 
was he less successful in establishing his own arguments 
than in annihilating those of his opponents. Day by day 
he multiplied and strengthened them. Day by day he 
heaved them upon each other, until the growing mass — 
rock-ribbed and mighty — rose high into the air, and his 
enemies could no more overturn it than they could shake 
down the eternal Alps. In the one attempt, as in the 
other, there was danger of the descending avalanche. 

When, at the close of the discussion, the subject of the 
American sj'stem was referred to the votes of congress, 
Mr. Clay's victory was proclaimed to the world. His 
majority was small, but this only proved the strength and 
resolution of his antagonists. 

The Hon. Mr. Baldwin, now an associate justice of the 
supreme court, had, as chairman of the committee of ma- 
nufactures, charge of the tariff in the session of 1819-20. 
Speaking, on his return home, to his constituents of Pitts- 
burgh, of the services of Mr. Clay, he respresented him as 
having " exhibited the varied skill and talents of the com- 
mander in chief, the corporal, and one of the rank and 
file." 

Six years have already elapsed, and we have now an 
opportunity to scan the predictions of Mr. Clay in regard 
to the system, of which he was the author and builder 

17 



I 



194 BIOGRAPHY OF 

There is not one of them hut has been verified. The soutb 
is supplied with the articles of its consumption at reduced 
prices ; the amount of our exports, of our navigation, and 
of our revenue, has been augmented; our manufactures 
have flourished in spite of the price of labour ; and the 
policy of protection, instead of being cast aside in other' 
countries, is still cherished by every nation, that has ever 
had experience of its advantages. Mr. Cla^s prophecies 
could not have been more true, if his lips had been touched 
with a coal from the altar of inspiration. 

It is indeed a pleasure to contrast the present condition 
of the United States with what it was in 1824, when every 
man seemed gazing upon ruin, face to face. A wonder- 
ful work has been wrought among us. Our roads, our 
canals, our rivers, and our coasts, are thronged with the 
produce of our fields; our markets are rich and unfailing : 
the marks of cheerful and successful industrv are visible 
in every countenance ; the precious metals are flowing 
upon us abundantly ; prosperous villages are every where 
springing up like the creations of a wizard tale ; the tide 
of emigration has been stayed ; and every stream, that 
gushes from our forest-shades, is turning its wheel and its 
spindle, instead of wandering down to the ocean for no 
better purpose than to picture rock, and tree, and sky, 
upon its surface. Even if the establishment of the policy 
of protection were the only distinguished act of Mr. Clay's 
life, the memorial of his days would still be a nation's 
happin-ess. 

No friend of his country can look dispassionately upon 
the operation of the American sj'stem, and wish to destroy 
it. Even Mr. Webster, earnestly as he once opposed it, 
has witnessed its eflfects and become its supporter. We 
believe it will stand, in defiance of time and storm — in de- 
fiance, too, of those gigantick and desperate spirits, who 
arp t'lo^o'ing so madly at its nillars. 



HENRY CLAY. 195 



SECTION SIXTH. 

No question that has ever arisen in the councils of the 
u'eneral government since the estabUshment of the consti- 
tution, has been fraught w^ith half so much danger to 
the harmony and existence of the union, as that which 
sprung up in the session of Congress of 1818 — 19, on the 
proposal to admit the territory of Missouri as one of the 
members of the confederacy. On that occasion, while the 
bill providing for the admission of Missouri, was before the 
house of representatives, the following condition, among 
others, was proposed : 

" All children of slaves, born within the said state after 
the admission thereof into the union, shall be free, but may 
be held to service until the age of twenty -five years ] and 
the further introduction of slavery or involuntary servi- 
tude is prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes, 
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." 

It will be immediately perceived, that this condition 
touched the most delicate and inflammatory subject that 
can be agitated in these United States — one which pre- 
sented the greatest difficulty in the formation of the pre- 
sent constitution of government, and which, there is too 
much reason to apprehend, will continue to convulse the 
country more or less, whilst the union or slavery remains. 
When this condition was first proposed in Congress, it 
had not been previously discussed and considered by the 
mass of the people, who were, therefore, perfectly tranquil 
and unagitated. Their feelings, sentiments, and prejudi- 
ces, on the subject of the slavery of the African part of 



196 BIOGRAPHY OF 

our population, were, however, sufficiently well known to 
their respective representatives, not to be mistaken. 

From the first introduction of this unhappy topic into 
the house of representatives, Mr. Clay, who, at one rapid 
glance, foresaw all its fearful consequences, took a decided 
and active part against the proposed condition. No man 
regretted more than himself, the existence of slavery, disfi- 
guring the fair face of our country. No man was more 
ready than he to embrace every practicable scheme for 
eradicating or mitigating the evil. Of this disposition, he 
had, from his boyhood, given frequent and abundant e\d- 
dence ; but he believed that the constitution had withheld 
from congress all power over the subject. He believed 
that any remedy which might be devised, could only be 
adopted and applied by each of the several states within 
which the institution of slavery was tolerated. He thought 
that every new state admitted into the union, became, at the 
moment of its admission, invested with all the political 
rights and privileges of the original states; and, conse- 
quently, possessed the power of determining for itself, 
whether it would tolerate slavery, and on what condi- 
tions. He even declared, that if he were a citizen of Mis- 
souri, he would support the objects of the proposed condi- 
tion — that is, he would oppose the further introduction of 
slaves into the state, and favour the gradual emahcipation 
of those who were already there. Still, that was a mat- 
ter for the people of Missouri alone to consider and deter- 
mine. We had no right to force our opinions upon her. 
She was not only unrepresented in congress, but there was 
in that body a majority of members, who, coming from 
non-slave-holding states, could not partake of her feelings, 
her sympathies, and her interests. 

The condition in question was debated at great length, 
and with much warmth and zeal, in the house of repre- 



HENRY CLAY. 197 

enlatives, and carried by a majority, consisting*, with few 
exceptions, of all the members from the non-slave-holding 
r.tates. Every member from the other states voted against 
It. In the senate the condition was stricken out, and the 
bill, with this amendment, retm'ned to the house of re- 
presentatives. Each house adhered to its opinion. The 
bill for the admission of Missouri was consequently de- 
feated, and the session of congress of 1818 — 19, termina- 
ted without any settlement of the question. 

This was an unfortunate result. The people quickly 
caught from their respective representatives the contagion 
of excitement ; the press, in the vacation of congress, 
teemed with the most violent pamphlets and paragraphs 
on the subject of slavery; and all possible means of exci- 
ting and arraying the elements of a political storm, were 
put into active operation. The union was fearfully agita- 
ted throughout all its parts; and, in this state of general 
tumult, the congressional session of 1819 — 20 commenced. 

The renewed discussion in congress of the restriction on 
Missouri, far from allaying the storm throughout the coun- 
try, served only to increase its rage and violence. Reso- 
lutions in favour of the restriction and against it, were 
adopted by New- York, Virginia, Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
Kentucky, New-Jersey, and other states ; and petitions and 
remonstrances from publick meetings and societies were 
poured in a flood upon the tables of both houses of con- 
gress. These demonstrations of the intensity of popular 
feeling, tended to protract the debate, and to give it not 
only animation but acrimony. Many speeches were pro- 
nounced. Mr. Clay spoke, at one time, nearly four hours 
against the restriction; and it is to be regretted that hjs 
speech, which created a strong sensation, and was univer- 
sally acknowledged, by those who heard it, to be one of 

17* 



198 BIOGRAPHY OF 

the most powerful, profound, and eloquent efforts of his 
whole life, has never been published. 

On the side of the restrictionists, the miseries of slavery 
were depicted in strong and vivid colours ; its rapid pro- 
gress in some of the states afflicted with its evils, was 
dwelt on as a source of alarm ; and the necessitj'' of cur- 
tailing its range was vehemently urged. The advanta- 
ges accruing to the states of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, 
from the adoption of the interdict to the introduction of 
slavery north-west of the Ohio, by the ordinance of 1787, 
were insisted on at great length, and with signal ability. 
In respect to the power of Congress to admit new states 
into the union, the restrictionists contended that it was 
plenary, and drew after it a right to decide whether the 
admission should be absolute or on condition, and on what 
condition ; and that, accordinglj'-, on the admission of all 
the new states, some conditions had been annexed. 

The advocates for the unconditional admission of Mis- 
souri into the union, generally admitted that slavery was 
a great evil. They contended, however, that it was an 
evil which those who felt it were most competent to reme- 
dy ; that the comfort of the slaves, as well as the safety of 
the whites, would be best promoted by the diffusion of the 
former, rather than by their concentration ; that the dan- 
gers from the increase of tlie slave population, were dis- 
tant or imaginary; and tiiat the non-slave-holding states, 
being themselves now free to allow or prevent the intro- 
duction of slaves, oughtto leave every other state in pos- 
session of the like freedom. 

It was behind the constitution, however, that the oppo- 
nents of restriction principallj- (nitrenched themselves. 
They earnestly contended that the constitution bestowed 
on congress no power whatever over slaves, save that 
which had boon already exercised, of prohibiting their im- 



HENRY CLAY. 199 

portation after the year 1808; that the slave states never 
would have consented to enter into the union, if the power 
now claimed for congress had been conferred by the con- 
stitution ; that the day when it should be usurped, would 
be Ijie last of the union ; that the power to admit new 
states, implied no power to impose restrictions, but was a 
naked power to admit or not to admit ; that a new state, 
when admitted, stood on a perfect political equality with 
all the old states, and possessed the same powers and pri- 
vileges, among which was that of deciding for itself the 
question of tolerating slavery ; that the alleged condi- 
tions on the admission of other new states, were not in 
fact conditions presented by a paramount sovereign, but 
terms of compact offered to the new states, and obligatory 
upon them in value simply of their own voluntary con- 
sent ; and that the ordinance of 1787, having been enact- 
ed for the government of territories prior to their admission 
as states into the union, could not now be construed as 
controlling the right of Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois, to admit 
slaves, if either chose to authorize their introduction. 

After a discussion more arduous and angry than that of 
the preceding session, the question was again put to vote. 
In the senate there was a majority against the restric- 
tion, and in the house a majority for it. The District of 
Maine having an application before congress at the same 
period, to be admitted as a state into the union, the senate 
united the bills for the two new states ; but the house re- 
jected that combination. Finally, through the agenc}'' of 
committees of conference appointed in the two houses, 
the question was settled by what was termed a compro- 
mise. According to this compromise, Missouri was re- 
ceived into the union without restriction, and, by the eighth 
section of the act admitting her, it is provided, "that in 
all that territory ceded by France to the United States, 



300 BIOGRAPHY OF 

under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty- 
six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not in* 
eluded within the limits of the state contemplated by this 
act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in 
the punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall have 
been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby for ever prohi- 
bited : Provided alwaj^s, that any person escaping into the 
same from whom labour or service is lawfully claimed in 
any state or territory of the United States, such fugitive 
may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person 
claiming his or her labour or service as aforesaid." 

Thus terminated for a time the discussion of a question 
so portentous to the durability of the union. A contem- 
porary periodical of high respectability remarks : " This 
distracting question, as it was emphatically called by a 
member of the Senate of the United States, and which 
has so long excited the hopes and fears of every patriot in 
the union, has at last been settled. Very few, perhaps, are 
entirely pleased with the manner of its adjustment ; but 
most persons are gratified that it has been adjusted amica- 
bly — for certainly it was a matter of more serious impor- 
tance than any other ever before submitted to the conside- 
ration of congress since the formation of the constitution, 
presenting a conflict of interests as to real or honestly 
presumed rights, and affecting us all geographicall}''." 

The act of congress, however, did not absolutely admit 
Missouri into the union. It only authorized the people of 
the territory to form a constitution and state government, 
and required that these should be republican, and not re- 
pugnant to the constitution of the United States. It also 
required " a true and attested copy of such constitution or 
frame of state government as might be formed or provided, 
to be transmitted to congress." After these requisitions 
should be complied with, a final resolution of congress, 



HENRY CLAY. 201 

according to the practice in analogous cases, would be 
necessary to admit the state as a member of the confede- 
racy. 

In June, 1820, the people of the territory of Missouri 
proceeded to ordain and establish a constitution of govern- 
ment for the contemplated state. Among other provisions, 
it was ordained in the twenty-sixth section of the third 
article, that it should be the duty of the general assembly, 
"as soGii as might be, to pass such laws as were necessary 
io prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to and 
settling in the state under any pretext whatever P Under 
this constitution, a state government was organized, and 
went into operation. A governor, and other executive 
officers, and members of the general assembly, were ap- 
pointed, in conformity with the constitution; and the, first 
meeting of the les-islature was held at St. Louis, in Sep- 

O O 7 1 

tember, 1820. Tiie state of Missouri also appointed elec- 
tors of president and vice-president, who formed a college 
which voted for those officers, and their votes were trans- 
mitted to the seat of government in the usual manner. 

Shortly after the promulgation of the constitution of 
Missouri, the public journalists commenced their animad- 
versions upon the clause "for the exclusion of free negroes 
ond mulattoes, and an objection was founded upon it 
against the final recognition of the state as a member of 

^ the confederacy. With the quickness of thought, parties 
were arrayed on both sides of the question ; and it was 

. evident that the compromise of the previous session of 
congress, had not extinguished, but only smothered, the 
embers of strife. The flame was now rekindled, and 
spread with terrible rapidity ; and even before the opening 
of the session of congress, the whole country was again in 
commotion. 

During the fall of 1820, Mr. Clay, in consequence of 



202 BIOGRAPHY OF 

heavy losses, which he had sustained as an indorser for a 
friend, resolved to retire from congress, and in the practice 
of law, devote himself to the reparation of his private af- 
fairs. He therefore resigned his office as speaker of the 
house, but retained the privileges of a member — determin- 
ing to take his seat at as earlj a period of the session as 
was consistent with his professional avocations, and thus 
close his engagement to his constituents. 

Shortly after the opening of the session, the constitution 
of Missouri was laid before congress for consideration, 
and referred to a committee. The senate readily passed 
a resolution for the admission of the state into the 
union; but a very different scene was to be witnessed in 
the house of representatives. The committee of the 
house, like that of the senate, reported in favour of the 
admission of the state unconditionally ; but its report was 
rejected. The question, which divided the two houses, 
and agitated the publick, v/as of very little consequence 
in itself, and derived all its importance from its connexion 
with the subject of slavery, and the debates of the two 
previous congressional sessions. By the constitution of 
the United States, it is ordained, that " the citizens of each 
state shall be entitled to all 'privileges and immunities of 
citizens in the several states^ Those who opposed the 
admission of Missouri, contended that free negroes and 
mulattoes were citizens of the state of their residence ; 
that as such, they had a right, under the constitution, to 
remove to Missouri, or any other state of the union, and 
there enjoy all the privileges and immunities of other citi- 
zens of the United States emigrating to the same place ; 
and therefore that the clause in the constitution of Mis- 
soiu-i, above adverted to, was repugnant to the constitution 
of the United States, and she ought not to be received in- 
to the union. On the other h;xnd, it was mcuntained that 



HEXRY CLAY. 203 

the African race, whether bond or free, were not parties to 
our political institutions ; that therefore free negroes and 
mulattoes were not citizens, within the meaning of the 
constitution of the United States ; and that even if the 
constitution of Missouri tvere repugnant to that of the 
United States, the latter was paramount, and would over- 
rule the conflicting provision of the former, without the 
interference of congress. 

Such was the question which now threatened an imme- 
diate and fatal rupture of the union. Mr. Clay being ab^ 
sent from congress, the care of supporting and carrying 
through the house of representatives the proposition for 
admitting the new state, was confided to the lamented 
Lowndes. It could not have been entrusted to a man 
more amiable, estimable, and enlightened. No member, 
at that time, with the exception of Mr. Clay, possessed 
such weight of character, or so much influence in the 
house. All his great powers of persuasion were now un- 
availingly exerted. A stern and inflexible majority re- 
pelled every proposition, in every form, which aimed at 
the reception of the offending state. Scarcely a day elap- 
sed without bringing up the question in some shape or 
other. An entry in the journal, the presentation of a 
petition, an appropriation of money, the enumeration of 
the presidential votes, the enforcement of the laws of the 
union within the limits of Mi-ssouri, or some other matter, 
rendered it necessary from day to day, to consider whether 
Missouri remained a territory, or had become a state, and 
was sure to throw the house into the most uncontrollable 
excitement. The two parties — substantially the same as 
had existed at the previous session when the compromise 
was effected — became at length so fierce in their exaspe- 
ration against each other, that all business was at a stand, 
and the wheels of government were stopped. In all parts 



204 BIOGRAPHY OF 

of the country the people did nothing but sound the onset to 
their respective champions in Congress. Popular meetings, 
legislative resolves, and other demonstrations of feehng and 
passion were resorted to — crimination and recrimination 
followed — and separation, disunion, and civil war, with all 
its infinite of horrors, were the common topics of every vil- 
lage and hamlet. Had a few more materials of excite- 
ment been kindled, the work of destruction would have 
been instant and complete. The mysterious sounds that 
precede the volcano's birth, were heard in every breeze, 
and if the flood of fire had been convulsed and upheaved 
by the slightest added violence, its desolate pathway would 
have been visible over the fairest portion of the earth. 

In this state of things, the eyes of all congress were 
turned towards Mr. Clay, as the only man who could, by 
any possibility, avert the calamities which seemed hanging 
over the republick. On the 16th of January, 1821, when 
more than half the session was exhausted, he arrived at 
Washington. He found the house of representatives in 
a situation that scarce admits of a description. All le- 
gislation was at an end, and the members of the two par- 
ties were scowling darkly upon each other, muttering an- 
grily and ominously, and resembling two hostile armies 
just before a general engagement, with their arms in their 
hands, and waiting but for the word to rush to battle. In- 
stantly he was addressed by the more considerate members 
of both parties, and urged to use his most earnest exer- 
tions to calm the strife that agitated congress and the na- 
tion. He needed no such incentive ; for he saw that the 
state must be speedily saved, or her glory and her strength 
would depart for ever. 

With a sagacity peculiarly his own, Mr. Clay soon dis- 
covered, that although there was a decided majority which 
opposed thie admission of Missouri into the union when- 



HENRY CLAY. 205 

fiVer the question was put to vote, still a secret wish per- 
vaded that majority, for the peaceable adjustment of the 
controversy. This was a most favourable circumstance, 
since it secured the success of any preliminary or collate- 
ral motion, which he might offer with the view of an ul- 
timate accommodation. After having ''dehvered his sen- 
timents at large on the state of the question," and in those 
deep and solemn tones which had before sounded through 
the house in the hour of his country's need, made "an 
earnest appeal to members of both belligerent parties, to 
bring to the discussion, minds prepared to harmonize," 
he submitted, as a last effort, on the second day of 
February, a motion to refer the Missouri question to a com. 
mittee of thirteen — a number suggested by that of the 
original states of the union. The motion was agreed to, and 
a committee was so constituted of the two parties, that if 
all those members of it who had before opposed the admis- 
sion of Missouri, could be reconciled to any plan of ad. 
justment, that plan would be carried in the house. 

On the 10th of Februarj^, Mr. Clay, as chairman of the 
committee, made a written report to the House, accompa- 
nied by a resolution for the admission of Missouri into the 
union, upon the following fundamental condition : 

" It is provided, that the said state shall never pass any 
law preventing any description of persons from coming 
to or settling in the said state, who now are or may here- 
. after become citizens of any of the states of this union, 
and also that the legislature of the said state, by a pub- 
lick act, shall declare the assent of the state to this provi- 
sion, and shall transmit to the president of the United 
States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next, 
an authentick copy of the said act, upon the receipt where- 
of the president, by proclamation, shall announce the fact ; 
"whereupon, and without any further proceedings on the 

18 



206 BIOGRAPHY OP 

part of congress, the admission of the said state into the 
union shall be considered as complete : and it is provided 
fm-ther, that nothing herein contained, shall be construed 
to take from the state of Missouri, when admitted into the 
union, the exercise of any right or power which can now 
be constitutionally exercised by any of the original states." 
It, is obvious that this proposal did not involve a sacri- 
fice of any of the principles for which Mr. Clay, and all 
those who were in favour of the unqualified admission of 
the state, had contended. It did not decide whether free 
negroes and mulattoes were or were not citizens of the 
United States, but left that question to the proper tribunals. 
It stripped Missouri of no power which appertained to the 
original states. It required, indeed, a solemn act of the 
legislature of the state, but that act was to effect no other 
object, than what the constitution of the United States, 
operating on the case, would have accomplished. On the 
other hand, those who had opposed the admission of the 
state, ought to have been content with the proposal. 
Their objection, as they had alleged, was founded on the 
repugnance of a clause of the Missouri constitution to the 
constitution of the United States. The ars-ument had 
been pressed upon them in vain, that assuming the exist- 
ence of the repugnance, the constitution of the United 
States must control. On this point they stood committed 
by Bepeated votes. Mr. Clay clearly saw, that it was use- 
less to urge them to retrace their steps, however untenabl-; 
their ground. He saw the necessity of affording them some 
opportunity for a decent retreat ; and this was done by the 
requirement of the solemn act from the legislature of Mis- 
souri. Upon their own principles, if the exceptionable 
clause in the constitution of the state were the real objec- 
tion to her admission, they were bound to be satisfied with 
that act. 



HENRY CLAY. 207 

The report was taken up in the house on the 1 2th of 
February. Mr. Clay gave a detailed account of the pro- 
ceedings in the committee ; of the difficulties which inter- 
posed; and of the considerations which led to the recom- 
mendation of the resolution. He concluded his expla- 
nations and arguments by earnestly and passionately in- 
voking the spirit of harmony and kindred feeling to pre- 
side over the deliberations of the house. A sharp and ob- 
stinate encounter ensued. In the committee of the whole 
on the state of the union, the report of the committee of 
thirteen was negatived by a small majority ; but this de- 
cision was afterwards overruled in the house. On the 
question, however, of the third reading of the resolution, it 
was rejected by a majority of 83 to 80, in consequence of 
the defection of Mr. Randolph, of Virginia, who, with two 
or three other southern members, voted with the party 
that had been opposed to the admission of the new state. 
The next day, a reconsideration was moved and carried 
by a large majority; and thus the question of the third 
reading of tiie resolution was again brought before the 
House. Another protracted and bitter debate followed, 
and was concluded by a speech from Mr. Clay, who is 
represented by the contemporary journals, as having "rea- 
soned, remonstrated, and entreated, that the House would 
settle the question." Every other speaker that rose, ap- 
peared under the combined influences of personal, section- 
al, and political resentments, and addressed the house 
with no other object than that of provoking and defying 
the opposite party to the worst excesses. Mr. Clay alone 
stood above the violence and the rage of conflict. No 
provocation could stir him to wrath. Every darker pas- 
sion seemed to have died within him, and he looked down 
upon the maddening and terrifick scene with that calm and 
sublime regret, and gave utterance to his thoughts in that 



208 BIOGRAPHY OF 

high, majestick, and pathetick eloquence, which seemed al- 
most to designate him as a superior being commissioned 
hy Heaven to warn our country against the sin of anar- 
chy and blood. So resistless was his appeal, that many a 
fierce and lowering countenance was wet — ^but all would 
not do. A small majority again decided against him, and 
his resolution was thus finally rejected. 

The next day, the ceremony of counting the votes for 
president and vice-president was performed in the pre- 
sence of the members of both houses of congress, in the 
hall of the house of representatives. A scene of unpre- 
cedented tumult and confusion arose on the question, 
whether the vote of Missouri should be enumerated, and 
the disturbance could be allayed only by the adjournment 
of the house. 

The rejection of the report of the committee of thirteen 
produced the deepest sensation in and out of congress. 
All appeared to be startled at the situation in which the 
question was now left. Even those, who had done the 
most to produce this lamentable state of things, seemed to 
tremble at their own doings, like the eastern magician, 
who had raised up a fiend unawares by his unholy incan- 
tations. Every heart began to yield to despair. Mr. 
Clay thought it best to leave this feeling to operate, for a 
few days, without control. Perhaps he himself felt em- 
barrassment as to the next expedient to be adopted. The 
majority of the house had repeatedly decided against the 
unconditional admission of Missouri. There was no hope 
of changing that majority, whatever might be its convic- 
tions. It had gone too far to recede. The same majority 
had now decided against the admission of the state under 
the only condition that appeared defensible. What more 
could be done ? 

During the repeated debates, to which this question 



HENRY CLAY. 209 

gave rise, Mr. Clay, deeply penetrated with its immense 
importance, preserved a firm and unchanged countenance. 
Endeavouring- to detach the majority from its leaders, he 
would sometimes assail the latter with an impetuosity, 
which bore them down, as if their strength had been but 
that of infancy. He would say to them — what is your 
plan as to Missouri ? She is no longer a territory. She 
is a state, whether admitted into the union or not. She is 
capable of self-government, and she is governing herself. 
Do you mean to force her permanently from the union? 
Do you mean to lose the vast publick domain, which lies 
within her limits ? Do you intend to drive her back to a 
territorial condition ? Do you intend to coerce her to alter 
her constitution? How will you do all this? Is it your 
design to employ the bayonet? We tell j^ou frankly our 
views. They are to admit her absolutely if we can, and, 
if not, with the condition which we have offered. You 
are bound to disclose your views with equal frankness. 
You aspire to be thought statesmen. As sagacious and 
enlightened statesmen, you should look forward to the 
fearful future, and let the country understand what is your 
remedy for the evils which lie before us. 

To all this, what could the restrictionists reply ? No- 
thing. They had no plan for the future, and they offered 
none. They could only say, that they wished the whole 
subject to be referred to the next congress. Where would 
have been the advantage of this ? It was evident, that 
the same difficulty would again arise, unless, indeed, the 
difficulty and the union should, during the intervening peri- 
od, be swallowed up together in the wild vortex of civil war. 

Various proposals were, at length, made in the two 
houses by members of the majorit}^, indicating a desire to 
settle the question: but none of them appeared acceptable, 
Mr. Clay, to whom the eyes of congress and of the natioB 

18* / 



210 BIOGRAPHY OF 






were still turned, as the only person capable of producin 
an accommodation, finally submitted, on the birth-day of 
the Father of his country, the following resolution: 

" Resolvedj that a committee be appointed, on the part 
of the house, jointly with such committee as may be ap- 
pointed on the part of the senate, to consider and report to 
the senate and house of representatives respectively, whe- 
ther it be expedient or not to make provision for the ad 
mission of Missouri into the union on the same footing as 
the original states, and for the due execution of the laws 
of the United States within Missouri ; and, if not, whether 
any other and what provision, adapted to her actual con- 
dition, ought to be made by law." 

The resolution was adopted by a majority of near two 
thirds of the house, and was subsequently agreed to in the 
senate by a still larger majority. To give dignity and so- 
lemnity to the proceedings, and to increase the chances of 
a successful result, Mr. Clay proposed, that the committee 
should consist of twenty-three members, answering to the 
number of states in the union, and that the members should 
be appointed by ballot. Such a thing had never taken 
place in the house of representatives. The proposition, 
however, was sustained. Members from all parts of the 
house now repaired to Mr. Clay for a list of the members 
whom he wished associated with him on the committee. 
He had prepared such a list, comprehending a sufficient 
number of those members of the majority whose minds were 
believed favourable to an accommodation, to secure the 
passage of any resolution, on which the committee might 
generally agree. Although the process of balloting for a 
large committee, in such a numerous body as the house 
of representatives, is necessarily tedious and inconvenient, 
so great was the general deference to the opinions and 
wishes of Mr. Clay, that seventeen members were elected 



4b. 



HENRY CLAY. 211 

from his list on the first ballot. On the second ballot, the 
residue of the committee was principally made up from the 
same list. Thus it appears, that even the advocates for the 
exclusion of Missouri from the union, still regarded Mr. 
Clay with reverence. Incensed as they were at his whole 
party, for him they could feel nothing but respect and ve- 
neration. Although they saw, that, in his single person, 
he was exercising against them the influence of more than 
twenty men, they knew that his motives were above r^ 
proach. They knew, that 

" Every end he aimed at was his comitr}''s, 

His God's, and truth's." 

On the meeting of the joint committees of the two 
houses, which took place on the 25th of February, 1821, 
a preliminary difficulty arose. Mr. Clay was chairman 
of the committee of the house, and Mr. Holmes of that of 
the senate. Which chairman was to preside in the joint 
session? To obviate this difficulty, Mr. Clay proposed 
that each chairman should preside over the committee to 
which he belonged, and collect the sense of that commit- 
tee on every motion which might be submitted. The pro- 
posal was accepted. The committees had a long and ar- 
duous session, during which the subject of the admission 
of Missouri was fully considered and discussed. Mr. Clay 
exhorted the members of the committee to mutual conces- 
sion, telling them, that it would be in vain to report to the 
house any plan of accommodation, which they themselves, 
to whatever party they had belonged, should refuse to sup- 
port in the final vote. Having impressed their minds with 
this truth, he interrogated them separately on every dis- 
tinct proposition. Finally a resolution was agreed upon 
by so many of the members of the committee as to autho • 
rize a confident expectation, that it would be sustained by 



212 BIOGRAPHY OF 

a majority of the house. It did not vary essentially from 
that which had been previously reported by the committee 
of thirteen. 

The next day, the resolution was reported to the house, 
and Mr. Clay explained the proceedings of the committee. 
A short discussion ensued, which was closed by a call for 
the previous question. The resolution was adopted hy a 
majority of eighty-seven to eighty-one, and sent to the 
senate, who jpromjptly agreed to it. The solemn publick 
act, which it required of the legislature of Missouri, was 
passed ; the proclamation of the president was thereupon 
issued ; and the new state was, at last, admitted into the 
union, and her senators and representatives, at the suc- 
ceeding session of congress, took their seats. 

Such was the ultimate issue of this momentous ques- 
tion. Its publick annunciation was received with the 
highest transports of joy. These burst forth in exclama- 
tions, that Mr. Clay was the second Washington — the 
saviour of his country — the pacificator of ten millions of 
people. Even in those states, whose representatives had 
been the most inflexibly opposed to the admission of Mis- 
souri, the intelligence of the issue of the controversy was 
received with silent satisfaction or open demonstrations of 
approbation ; whilst, in Missouri herself, a deep and per- 
vasive sentiment of gratitude was felt and evinced towards 
her successful advocate. We know not but this was the 
proudest day that Mr. C. had ever witnessed. What 
now was wanting for the consummation of his glory? 
He had done what no one else, but the great Director of 
events, could have accomplished. He had poured the oil 
of peace upon the stormy sea, when the heavens above 
were black with an unnatural night, and the ship of state 
was running wild before the tempest, and every mast 
quivering, as if recoiling from the stroke of the falling- 
thunderbolt. 



HENRY CLAY. 213 

The speeches, dehvered from time to time by Mr. Clay 
during the discussion of the Missouri question, have never 
been pubhslied. Tlie journals of the day have not re- 
corded what he said, but what he did. He probably was 
too entirely occupied with the great object, which he had 
at heart, to attend to the preparation or revisal of his re- 
marks. All his care for fame was lost in patriotism. We 
have understood, that he occupied himself almost inces- 
santly, night and day, in and out of the house, in the pa- 
cification of congress. Upon the arrival of any person of 
influence or consideration at Washington, Mr. C. would 
immediately address him, and endeavour to enlist him m 
favour of the settlement of the great question, or, if that 
could not be effected, to persuade him to take a neutral 
part. So great was his excitement, so intense the interest 
he felt, and so unremitted his bodily exertion, that he has 
frequently been heard to declare, that his health, and, in all 
probability, his life, would have been lost, if the admission 
of Missouri had been deferred a fortnight longer. 

It is with regret we record the fact, that, whilst this sub- 
ject was before the house in 1820, and the fury of the op- 
posing parties was at its height, a project was started by 
certain gentlemen of the minority, that the members from the 
slave-holding states should secede from the house in a 
body, and leave the representatives from the other states in 
exclusive possession of it. The success of this project 
would have carried with it the instant downfall of the 
republick. 

One night, when the house was engaged in debating 
the great question, and there seemed but a faint prospect of 
its adjustment, Mr. Randolph accosted Mr. Clay, who, for 
a moment, was absent from the chair, and said to him — 
" Mr. Speaker, I wish you would quit the chair and leave 
the house ; I will follow you to Kentucky or any where 



214 BIOGRAPHY OF 

else." Mr. R, was told, in reply, that his proposition was 
a very serious one ; and that, if he would meet Mr. C. the 
next morning in the speaker's room, the latter would con- 
verse with him fully on the whole subject. The inter- 
view accordingly took place, and the parties had a long 
conversation, relating principally to the propriety of a 
compromise. Mr. Randolph was decidedly opposed to 
any compromise, and Mr. Clay was in favour of acceding 
to one, if it could be done without any sacrifice of princi- 
ple. Each maintained his opinions, respectfully, but with 
firmness. We may here remark, by the way, that, to- 
wards the termination of this interview, mutual explana- 
tions were made by Messrs. C. and R. in regard to some 
previous personal difi^erences, which they agreed to forget, 
and, thenceforward, to be upon good terms. They never 
exchanged salutations or spoke to each other again during 
that session. Soon after the interview, Mr. Clay was suc- 
cessively informed, hy a senator of the United States and 
a member of the house of representatives, both of whom 
are now living, that Mr. Randolph had been attending the 
gallant and lamented Decatur in his last moments, and 
gazing on his corpse ; that the melancholy scene had 
greatly excited him, and inspired him with a desire to have, 
like Decatur, an afixiir of honour; and that he was 
known to wish it with Mr, Clay. These communica- 
tions naturally made Mr. C. regard Mr. Randolph's man- 
ner, at their next meeting, with some attention ; and, as 
he believed it to be repulsive, the parties met, as they ever 
afterwards did during that session, without speaking to 
each other. 

With one of the gentlemen above referred to, Mr, Ran- 
dolph, at the session of 1821, used every persuasive artifice 
to prevent his agreeing to a settlement of the Missouri 
question. Amongst other reasons, he urged, tliat if thd 



HENRY CLAY. 215 

controversy should be adjusted, the effect would be to se- 
cure Mr. Clay's election to the presidency of i the United 
States. Even Mr. Clay's personal enemies, it seerns, were 
aware, that, if he succeeded in giving peace to the country 
at that perilous day, no reward would be thought too glo- 
rious for his services. 



.^ 



«r.* 



216 BIOGRAPHY OP 



SECTION SEVENTH 

Although it was Mr. Clay's earnest desire to devote 
himself exclusively to the regular practice of law after his 
retirement from congress, at the close of the congressional 
session of 1819-20, his fellow citizens still continued to 
importune him for his publick services. Among other ap- 
pointments, he was, in 1822, delegated, in conjunction with 
Mr. Bibb, now a senator in congress, to attend the sittings 
of the Virginia legislature, for the purpose of procuring an 
equitable adjustment of certain land claims in Kentucky. 
We allude to this fact on account of an amusing incident 
that occurred in the course of the application. 

It is well known, that the land laws of Kentucky 
have been a source of much litigation and perplexity. 
Prior to its separation from Virginia, it was chiefly settled 
by emigrants from the latter state, who made purchases 
of large tracts of land, not doubting that the titles, which 
were holden under the authority of Virginia, were per- 
fectly good. They discovered soon afterward, however, 
that nearly the whole of the Kentucky territory was lite- 
rally ''shingled over with titles;" and one claim gave 
way to another only to be superseded, in turn, by others 
of still earlier date. It was thought by the people of Ken- 
tucky, that Virginia was morally bound to indemnify the 
sufferers under her laws. To remedy the hardships of 
their condition, the general assembly of Kentucky had 
passed various statutes, known under the denomination of 
the " occupying claimants' laws." Their validity under 
the 'compact between the two states, by which Kentucky 



HENRY CLAY. 217 

became independent, was controverted. To provide a 
mode for settling that question, and, at the same time, 
some claims which the state of Virginia had upon the 
lands south of Green River, in the limits of Kentucky, 
Messrs. Clay and Bibb were deputed as commissionerSj to 
make application to the legislature of the former state. 

After considerable exertion, the two delegates obtained 
a hearing before that body; and Mr. C. is said to have 
made one of his finest efforts. In the course of his appeal, 
he alluded, with the most heart-stirring pathos, to the con- 
dition of those men who had gone out from Virginia to 
seek a home in a sister state, and were afterwards driven 
from their temporary refuge by the tyranny of the law. 
The mournful feeling of the emigrant, sobbing an adieu to 
the tombs and temples of his fathers — his toils and sufFer- 
mgs in building up a new habitation, and gathering the 
manna of Heaven, like the children of Israel, from the 
bosom of the wilderness. — these things were dwelt on 
by Mr. Clay with a depth and fervour of feeling, to which 
every heart passionately responded. It was known, that 
the orator himself, before the silken locks of bovhood were 
yet dark upon his temples, had gone from his own land in 
poverty to establish his fortunes in a stranger-land ; and 
this circumstance caused his eloquence to sink upon the 
passions of his hearers with a still deeper spell. In the 
midst of one of his finest passages, it occurred to him to 
quote these beautiful and afiecting lines of Sir Walter 
Scott : 

" Lives there a heart so cold and dead, 
That never to itself hath said, 
This is my own, my native land !" 

He began the quotation, but the words escaped his memo- 
ly, and he could not proceed. It was one of those mo- 

19 



218 BIOGRAPHY OF 

ments the most trying to a publick speaker, and the most 
decisive of his presence of mind. Without manifesting 
the least hesitation, Mr. C. pressed his hand upon his brow, 
until he could recal the language of his author, and then 
proceeded to repeat it in his most impassioned manner. 
The eiFect was like that of magick. Everj' spectator be- 
lieved, that, when the orator clasped his forehead in 
silence, the memory of other years was swelling in his 
bosom and choking his utterance with tears; and, from 
all parts of the hall, there was an answering gush, as if 
every heart had been dissolved to a fountain in that one 
flow of passion. 

The mission of Messrs. Clay and Bibb led to the ap- 
pointment, in the course of the year, of B. W. Leigh, Esq. 
to treat in behalf of Virginia, with the state of Kentucky, 
of the subjects on which they had been sent. Mr. Clay 
was appointed to conduct the negociation on the part of 
Kentucky, with INIr. Leigh. They concluded, at Ash- 
land, a convention, which was ratified by the legislature 
of Kentucky and by the house of delegates of Virginia, 
but was rejected in her senate by a small majority. 

Mr. Clay, at the earnest and repeated solicitations of his 
fellow citizens, accepted a re-appointment to congress in 
the summer of 1823. By the jDrofits of a legal practice of 
less than three years, he had retrieved his pecuniary losses, 
and could now afford, once more, to devote his time to the 
service of his country. 

At the commencement of the session his name was 
again presented for the distinguished honour of presiding 
in the house ; and he was elected to the chair, in opposi- 
tion to Mr. P. P. Barbour, of Virginia, a highly popular 
member, who had filled the chair during the preceding 
congress, by a majority of more than three fourths of the 



HENRY CLAY. 219 

members. The following jeu dJ esprit appeared shortly 
after : 

*' As near the Potomack's broad stream t'other day, 

Fair liberty wandered all pensive along, 

Deep pondering the future — unheeding her way — 

She met goddess nature, her mother, at dawn. 

' Good mother,' she cried, ' deign to help me at need! 

I must make for my guardians a Speaker to-day, 

The first in the world I would give them' — ' Indeed ! 

When I made the first speaker, I made him of CLAY. 



9 )) 



It was ill the course of this session of congress, that the 
subject of the Greek revolution, so familiar to all Christen- 
dom, was discussed in the house of representatives. 
Greece was then fighting for deliverance from her ancient 
inheritance of bondage, with a bravery unsurpassed by 
the heroes of her olden time. Her beautiful isles, that 
floated like perennial blossoms upon the bosom of her 
waters, had been dyed in gore ; the lava-stream of war 
had left her plains and valleys an herbless and blackenefl 
waste ; her women and children were sinking beneath 
the slow and lingering tortures of famine ; but still she 
met her oppressor with an undaunted front, and struck 
home with an arm nerved for vengeance by the hoarded 
wrongs of centuries. Food and clothing were sent from 
the United States for the rehef of her sufferings ; our pa- 
triots were drawing their swords in her cause; and 
throughout the whole country, there was a pervading 
anxiety, that our government should do every thing for 
Greece, that was consistent with the laws of nations. 

Mr. Webster presented to the house of representatives, 
in January, a resolution providing for the recognition of 
the independence of Greece, and sustained it in a speech, 
which will long be remembered as an honour to his talents 
and his character. Mr. Clay, true to the principles which 



220 BIOGRAPHY OF 

he had so often and so gloriously vindicated, when the 
independence of South America was under the considera- 
tion of the house, came promptly forward to the support 
of Mr. Webster, and, although his speech was not long, it 
was one of the most powerful bursts of mind ever wit- 
nessed upon the floor of congress. The speaker ap- 
peared, as he proceeded, to gather within himself the great 
and enthusiastick thoughts of all the patriots of ancient 
and modern times, and send them out in a torrent, deep, 
rapid, and magnificent. 

The arguments which Mr. Clay used on this occasion, 
were advanced in the same spirit with those by which he 
had procured the recognition of South America. There 
were the same sympathy for the oppressed, the same deep 
and holy love of liberty, the same execration of tyranny, and 
the same going forth of the soul to embrace mankind in one 
great plan of benevolence. We have room but for the follow- 
ing paragraph, taken from among the last of the speech : 

" What appearance, Mr. Chairman, on the page of his- 
tory, would a record hke this exhibit ? ' In the month 
of January, in the year of our Lord and Saviour, 1824, 
while all European Christendom beheld with cold and 
unfeeling indifference the unexampled wrongs and inex- 
pressible miseries of Christian Greece, a proposition was 
made in the congress of the United States, almost the sole, 
the last, the greatest depository of human hope and hu- 
man freedom, the representatives of a gallant nation, con- 
taining a million of freemen ready to fly to arms, while 
the people of that nation were spontaneously expressing 
its deep-toned feeling, and the whole continent, by one 
simultaneous emotion, was rising and solemnly and anx- 
iously supplicating and invoking high Heaven to spare 
and succour Greece, and to invigorate her arms, in her 
glorious course, while temples and senate-houses were alike 



HENRY CLAY. 221 

resounding with one burst of generous and holy sympa- 
thy ; in the year of our Lord and Saviour — that Saviour 
of Greece and of us — a proposition was offered in the 
American congress to send a messenger to Greece, to in- 
quire into her state and condition, with a kind expression 
of our good wishes and our sympathies — and it was re- 
jected!' Go home, if you can — go home, if j^ou dare, to 
your constituents, and tell them, that you voted it down — 
meet, if you can, the appalling countenances of those who 
sent you here, and tell them that j'-ou shrank from the 
declaration of your own sentiments — that you cannot tell 
how, but that some unknown dread, some indescribable 
apprehension, some indefinable danger, droveyou from your 
purpose — that the spectres of scimitars, and crowns, and 
crescents, gleamed before you, and alarmed you ; and that 
3^ou suppressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, 
by liberty, by national independence, and by humanity." 

Notwithstanding the combined efforts of the two great- 
est men in congress, the resolution in favour of sending a 
minister to Greece was not sustained by a majority. 

It is a distine'uishin'}' characteristick of Mr. Clay, that 
he rarely desists from a great effort till his labours meet 
with the reward of success. He regards one, two, or three 
defeats, as of little consequence, provided he can accom- 
plish, in the fourth, the great object which he has at heart. 
It is true, he had not an opportunity of renewing in con- 
gress the discussion of the independence of Greece, but we 
shall see, in the progress of his history, that he kept the 
subject constantly in view, till, by one well-imagined and 
memorable act, he contributed to give peace, and liberty, 
and happiness, to that distracted and suffering country. 

While the question of the recognition of Greece was be- 
fore the house of representatives, a new member from 

New-Hampshire, who has since gained a good reputation 

19* 



222 BIOGRAPHY OF 

for talents, assailed Mr. Clay with unjustifiable personali- 
ties. There was no doubt but he did this, from motives 
of vanity. He wished to bring himself into immediate no- 
tice by becoming a party in an encounter with the great- 
est man in congress. Whatever his motive may have 
been, he certainly had cause to rue the result. Mr. Clay 
turned upon him, and, with a tone and manner of half 
pity and half indignation, humbled his vaulting spirit so 
effectually, that he was scarcely seen to rise in his place 
again for two or three years. 

Probably no other session of congress was ever passed 
so laboriously by Mr. Clay as that of 1824. It was 
during that session, as our readers may recollect, that he 
ultimately carried the great measures of the tariff (4) 
and of South American independence ; and his exertions, 
on other important questions, were such as no other man 
at that day could have made. His control over the le- 
gislation of the United States, although he was but a 
member of the house of representatives, had long been 
greater than that of the executive, as was occasionally pro- 
ved by trials of strength between them. Mr. Monroe was 
deservedly a popular man ; but, with all his popularity and 
official influence, he was usuallj'' compelled to submit his 
own wishes to those of Mr. Clay. 

(4) See Apiicndix. 



HENRY CLAY. 223 



SECTION EIGHTH. 

Passing over various important events in Mr, Clay's 
historj, we come now to speak of the part which he took 
in the presidential election of 1825. It is well remember- 
ed bj the community, that, as early as 1822, five gentle- 
men, Messrs. John Q,. Adams, Henry Clay, Andrew 
Jackson, Wilham H, Crawford, and John C. Calhoun, 
were announced by their respective friends as candidates 
for the presidency. The earnestness with which the can- 
vass was conducted, is familiar to all. For a long time, 
the issue could not be anticipated with any degree of con- 
fidence. There seemed a moral certaintj^, that no choice 
would be made by the people ; and much speculation was 
indulged as to which three of the candidates would be re- 
turned to the house of representatives. Mr. Clay was 
nominated by the legislatures of Ohio, Kentuck}'-, Louisi- 
ana, and Missouri ; and his party was so numerous in 
most of the other states, that there was every prospect of 
his being one of the three successful competitors. The 
probabilities of such an event appeared strong up to the 
time of the appointment of electors in Louisiana, the vote 
of which state would have carried him into the house, to 
the exclusion of Mr. Crawford. The electors in Louisi- 
ana were to be appointed by the legislature, and it was 
well known, that a majority of the members were Mr. 
Clay's political friends. The fact had been proved by his 
previous nomination in that body. Those of the members, 
who were friendly to the other candidates, proposed, of 



224 BIOGRAPHY OF 

their own accord, to let Mr. Clay have four of the five 
electoral votes ; but his supporters were conscious of their 
strength, and would agree to no compromise. As the time 
for the appointment of electors approached, however, three 
or four of Mr, C.'s friends became so indisposed as to be 
unable to. attend the sittings of the legislature. Taking 
advantage of this circumstance, the friends of Mr. Adams 
and General Jackson formed a coalition, by the terms of 
which, two oT the electoral votes were to be given to the 
former, and three to the latter. The arrangement was 
carried into effect by a majority of thirty to twenty-nine; 
and Mr. Clay was consequently excluded from the house 
of representatives. Had he gone into the house, his ex- 
treme popularity there, however small his electoral vote 
might have been, would probably have enabled him to secure 
the office of president in spite of all competition ; but it is 
worthy of remark, and will remain a lasting honour to his 
character, that he had resolved, even when there was al- 
most an absolute certainty of his being one of the three 
highest candidates on the list, to withdraw his name, as 
soon as the question should come before the representa- 
tives of the nation. Finding, toward the close of the can- 
vass, that he was likely to go into the house with a smaller 
number of votes than either General Jackson or Mr. Ad- 
ams, he communicated to senator Johnson, of Louisiana, 
and several other gentlemen, his resolution to retire from 
the contest, in order that the election might be the more 
readily and amicably decided. Such a spirit of magna- 
nimity and patriotism it is impossible not to admire ; but 
we fear there are few, who could bring themselves to imi- 
tate it. 

It was finally ascertained, that the three candidates re- 
turned to the house by the electoral colleges, were Andrew- 
Jackson, John Q.. Adams, and William H. Crawford ; the 



HENRY CLAY. 225 

first of whom had received ninety-nine votes, the second 
eighty-four, and the third forty-one. This result was as- 
certained toward the close of December, 1824. Of course, 
it now devolved on Mr. Clay, as a member of the house, 
to determine which one of these three competitors should 
receive his vote. Several weeks were to intervene before 
the election, and the friends of the rival candidates imme- 
diately began to beset Mr. Clay with flatteries and caresses. 
All expressed the most heart-felt regret, that he had not 
been returned to the house. In a letter written to a friend 
at that time, he remarked — "I am enjoying, whilst alive, 
the posthumous honours which are usually awarded to 
the illustrious dead." The object of these ostentatious 
and obtrusive honours could not be unknown to him. He 
knew, that his vote and influence were sought for by 
almost every man, who approached him. Under these 
circumstances, what was his duty? To become instantly 
an active and noisy partizan? Every consideration of 
delicacy and propriety forbade it. He himself had but 
recently been a candidate for the presidency ; each of the 
candidates now before the house had been his rival, and he 
had been theirs; the relation he had borne to them was of 
the most delicate nature ; and hence he could not permit 
himself to go out into publick places to proclaim his pre- 
ferences and electioneer for his favourite. With his per- 
sonal friends he freely interchanged opinions, but, in con- 
versation with others, he deemed it fitting that the subject 
of the presidency should be waived altogether. 

This commendable and decorous reserve of Mr. Clay 
was soon noticed, and made a theme of much and various 
speculation. It was thought a strange and mysterious 
thing, that, while the din of conflict was in his ears, he 
did not instantly enlist under one of his late rivals, and 
reduce himself to the level of a common belligerant. Omi 



226 BIOGRAPHY OF 

nous hints began to be made to him in conversation; 
anonymous letters, full of abusive and threatening lan- 
guage, were daily and almost hourly addressed to him ; 
and a systematick attack, the signal-word for which had 
gone forth from Washington, was commenced simultane- 
ously in every part of the country. It was believed that 
his influence might decide the election ; and no means, 
that gave promise of awing his . spirit, were left unpracti- 
sed^. All these things he bore with an unbending forti- 
tude. In a subsequent letter to his constituents, he said — 
'' I bore them, I trust, as your representative ought to have 
borne them, and as became me." 

It is possible, that some of Mr. Clay's friends, at length, 

huited in conversation, that he would probably prefer Mr. 

Adams to either of the other candidates. However this 

may have been, a letter was published in Philadelphia, 

purporting to have been written by a member of the Perm- 

sylvania delegation in congress, and stating, that overtures 

iverc said to have been made to the friends of Clay, offering 

him the appointment of secretary of state, for his aid to 

elect Mr. Adams, and that the overtures had been accepted. 

This letter was a component part of the machinery, that 

had been put in operation to frighten him ; but, when he 

saw it, he considered himself at liberty to be silent no 

longer. He was the presiding officer of the house ; a 

member of that house had publickly charged him with 

corruption ; his character was at stake ; and he felt tha,t 

every motive of honour and of self-respect required him to 

act decisivel}^ Without delay, he published a card in the 

National Intelligencer, denying, in strong and indignant 

terms, the charges of the Philadelphia letter, and calling 

upon the author to avow himself and sustain them. In 

a few days, Mr. George Kremer, a member of congress 

from Pennsylvania, published an answering card, declar- 



HENRY CLAY. 227 

ing himself the author of the letter, and stating, that, so 
far as the character of Mr. Clay was concerned, he stood 
prepared to make good his allegations. This card, 
^although appearing under the name of Mr. Kremer, was 
probably written by John H. Eaton, the present secretary 
of war. This gentleman was, at least, closeted with Mr. 
Kremer a long time on the night previous to its publica- 
tion; and, in a correspondence which Mr, Clay subse- 
quently held with Major E., the latter did not deny the 
authorship of the card, although directly charged with it. 
Eveiy thing went to prove, that, in the whole transaction, 
Mr. Kremer was but a passive instrument in hands invisi- 
ble. In the card he was made to avow himself the author 
of the Philadelphia letter; but, afterwards, he frankly told 
Mr. Crowninshield, a member of congress from Massa- 
chusetts, and formerly secretary of war, that he was 7iot 
the author of it. 

A few hours after the appearance of Mr. Kremer' s card, 
Mr. Clay made an ingenuous and dignified communica- 
tion to the house, alluding to Mr. K.'s publication, and 
earnestly requesting an investigation of his own conduct. 
Mr. Kremer immediately arose in his place, and repeated, 
that he had said nothing against Mr. Clay, which he was 
not ready to substantiate before the house. On the fol- 
lowing day the subject came up for consideration, and, in 
the course of the discussion, Mr. Kremer said to Mr. Brent, 
of Louisiana, and to Mr. Little, of Maryland, the latter a 
friend of General Jackson, " that he never intended to 
charge Mr. C. with corruption or dishonour in his in- 
tended vote for Mr. Adams as president^ or that he had 
transferred or could transfer the votes or interests of his 
friends ; that he {Mr. Kremer) was among the last men in 
the nation to make such a charge against Mr. Clay; 
and^ that his letter ^cas never intended to convey the idea 



228 BIOGRAPHY OF 

given to it." To this declaration of Mr. Kremer, Messrs. 
Brent and Little have both certified. Mr. Digges, a dis- 
tinguished citizen of Washington, has certified, that Mr. 
K. made the same declaration in his presence. The dis- 
cussion, however, proceeded ; and, very soon, a member of 
the house, friendly to Mr. Kremer, carried to Mr. Clay 
the copy of an explanation, which, he said, that Mr. K. 
was ready to make before the house, if Mr. C. would be 
satisfied with it. This explanation went to absolve ]\Ir. 
Clay entirely from any charge which had been preferred 
against him. To the member, who presented it, ]\Ir. C. 
replied, that the subject-matter was before the representa- 
tives of the nation, whence it could not properly be with- 
drawn by him. Shortly afterwards, Mr. Ingham of Penn- 
sylvania, the present secretary of the treasury, got posses- 
sion of Mr. Kremer' s written explanation, deposited it 
safely in his pocket, and earnestly cautioned Mr. K. 
against adopting a single measure in the affair without 
first taking the advice of his political friends. Still Mr. 
K.'s conscience was ill at ease; and he told Mr. Cooke of 
Illinois, that he was resolved to apologize to Mr. C. before 
the house on the following day. On this ground, Mr. 
Cooke moved for an adjournment ; and the house accord- 
ingly adjourned, after having referred the investigation to 
a committee to be appointed on the morrow. 

The morrow came ; but, with it, came not the promised 
apology from Mr. Kremer. He had see7i his friends. A 
committee of seven members, each member a political op- 
ponent of Mr. Clay, was appointed in the house by ballot 
at his request ; and this committee called on Mr. Kremer 
to substantiate his charges according to promise. To do 
this he had no power. To retract his charges and do Mr. 
Clay justice was contrary to the express instructions of 
his friends. Only one course remained. His officious 



HENRY CLAY, 229 

friends drew up in his name an elaborate communication 
to the committee, stating-, that, as the affair under inves- 
tigation was one, over which the house had no constitu- 
tional authority, he should decline responding to the call 
made on him.(5) Here the matter terminated ; and who 
could then suppose, that Mr. Clay's enemies would ever 
again dare to repeat Mr. Kremer's charge? Here was a 
full opportunity for the investigation ; the tribunal was 
precisely such a one, as they would have selected ; the 
proofs, if any existed, were new and at hand ; the accuser, 
whom they had thrust forward, was on the ground ; — and 
yet what did they do 1 Shrunk from the investigation, 
lest the veil, which they had spread over their conduct, 
should be rent away by the iron hand of truth, and the 
sunlight of heaven let in upon their nameless abomina- 
tions. To guard themselves against detection, they put 
their hands upon the mouth of their champion, smothered 
all his generous impulses, hid his confessions in their 
pockets, and compelled him to be as silent as if he had 
been stricken dumb by the wrath of heaven. 

After this infamous mockery had passed by, Mr. Clay, 
as the election in the house was yet to take place, had a 
full opportunity to look around him ; to examine his situa- 
tion in reference to the past, the present, and the future ; 
and judge deliberately and dispassionately of the course, 
which duty required him to pursue. He knew, that all eyes 
were upon him. He was aware, that he could vote for 
neither of the three candidates, without exposing himself 
to the keenest and deadliest arrows of partizan vengeance ; 
but his was not a spirit to shrink from his responsibility to 
his country, on account of personal or political considera- 
tions. 

In examining into his duty, the comparative number of 

(5) See Appendix. 
20 



230, BIOGRAPHY OP 

votes, with which the three competitors came before the 
house, was made a subject of long and patient reflection. 
Some poUticians have contended, that, when a presidential 
election devolves on the house, the representative has no 
right to exercise his discretion, but is under an impera- 
tive obligation to vote for the candidate, who has received 
a plurality of votes in the electoral colleges. Mr. Clay 
justly considered such a doctrine absurd. The constitu- 
tion says, '■'■from the 'persons having the highest numbers^ 
not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as presi- 
dent, the house of representatives shall choose immediately, 
by ballot, a president." Mr. C. very naturally concluded, 
that the authority to " choose" necessarilj^ implied a dis- 
cretion on the part of the representative. If the framers 
of the constitution had designed, that the representative, in 
such a case, should not act as a free agent, but be con- 
strained to vote for the candidate highest on the electoral 
list, they would not have referred the decision to the house 
of representatives at all. They would have made a plu- 
rality of votes in the electoral colleges decisive of the elec- 
tion. Those political fathers of our country preferred, 
however, that, in cases where the people of the United 
►States were too distracted in sentiment to give a majority 
of votes to any one presidential candidate, the wisdom and 
good sense of the house of representatives should constitute 
the guarantee of a correct decision. What, then, is the 
province of the representative? If he refuses the exercise 
of the discretion required of him, and submits his judg- 
ment to a criterion, which the constitution has pronounced 
unsafe, he is a traitor to the constitution, a traitor to his 
country. Mr. Clay believed, that nothing could be more 
untrue than the supposition, that 99, out of 216 electoral 
votes, ought to exercise an absolute control over the re- 
maining 162 ; or, in other -wrords, that the electoral votes 



HENRY CLAY. 231 

of a minority of the states could operate as a binding in- 
struction upon the congressional representatives of the ma- 
jority. 

Apart from the comparative strength of the three cai>- 
didates in the electoral colleges, there was another consi- 
deration, which demanded Mr. Cla/ s attention. The le- 
gislature of Kentucky had requested him and his col- 
leagues to give their votes for General Jackson. Was this 
request obligatory on him ? He thought differently. The 
members of the Kentucky legislature were not his con- 
stituents more than he was theirs ; and had no more right 
to control him than he to control them. No other le- 
gislature interfered with the election in the house ; and 
that of Kentucky unquestionably transcended its duty, 
not to say its dignity. A large meeting of the citizens of 
the district, which Mr. Clay represented, communicated to 
him their disapprobation of the resolution of the legisla- 
ture, and instructed him to vote according to his own best 
judgment. (6) It is a singular fact, that, at the present 
day, the very men, who, for the purpose of injuring Mr. 
Claj^, contend, that the will of a state legislature is, to all 
intents and purposes, obligatory on the representative in 
voting for president, contend also, that a plurality of suf- 
frages in the electoral colleges is equally obligatory. Both 
these doctrines cannot be correct ; and it appears suffi- 
ciently plain, that neither of them is correct. 

Esteeming it not only his privilege but his duty to judge 
for himself, Mr. Clay found it necessary to examine the 
comparative qualifications and claims of the three candi- 
dates. 

Mr. Crawford soon appeared to be wholly out of the 
question. He had been a paralytick nearly two years, and 

(6) See Appendix. 



232 BIOGRAPHY OP 

there was no probability of his restoration to such a mea- 
sure of health, as would enable him to discharge the du- 
ties of the Dresidential office. The spirit of partisan mis- 
representation had striven, with some success, to mislead 
the pubhc as to his condition ; but Mr. Clay knew, from 
indubitable sources, that his election, under the circum- 
stances which then existed, would be an imposition upon 
the country. The fact has since been universally admit- 
ted. Mr. Clay, in a written address, which he prepared 
for his- constituents near that time, described Mr. Craw- 
ford's condition plainly and without disguise. General 
Lafayette, to whom the manuscript was submitted, noted 
the passage, and begged Mr. Clay to soften it, if possible. 
"We know," said the venerable man, "that this is all true; 
but may not the promulgation of it have a tendency to 
depress our friend Crawford's feelings, and render his situ- 
ation more unpleasant and dangerous?" Mr. Clay ac- 
quiesced, without hesitation, in the kind suggestion of 
Lafayette, and changed the phraseology of his address, 
in a manner to render it unobjectionable. Aside too from 
considerations of Mr. Crawford's bodily debility and im- 
paired mental faculties, Mr. Clay knew, that the votes of 
the western states in congress, would not be sufficient to 
elect him. They would have had no other effect than to 
give birth to the acrimony and fury of a protracted con- 
flict ; and, after all, the house would have been brought 
to a decision between Adams and Jackson. 

Between these two men, Mr. C. felt himself constrained 
to choose. He knew that, if he chose Mr. Adams, the 
dark spirit of his enemies, which had already been mani- 
fest, would again break loose and rage with increased 
fury for its victim. Still, how could he hesitate ? Befor^ 
leaving Kentucky, he had declared to Dr. Drake, a 
medical professor in Transylvania university, to John J. 



HENRY CLAY. 233 

Crittenden, a distinguished citizen and attorney of Frank- 
fort, and to other gentlemen, with whom he had conversed 
on approaching events, that his determination was fixed to 
vote for Mr. Adams, if the final contest should be between 
Adams and Jackson. He had declared this at home ; he had 
declared it on his way to Washington ; and he had declared 
it, though not obtrusively, after his arrival. He had said that 
he could be induced to vote for Jackson by no consideration 
short of an actual and unavoidable necessity. That Mr. 
Clay had made these declarations, not once, or twice, but 
undisgLiisedly, on all proper occasions, has been shown by 
the testimony of Lafayette, and many of the best and greatest 
men in our own country ; and, amid all the partisan false- 
hoods and calumnies of the times, not an individual has 
been found so audacious as to say, that he ever heard Mr. 
Clay intimate a possibility of his supporting General Jack- 
son for the chief magistracy in any contingency. 

General Jackson himself did not anticipate Mr. Clay's 
support. General Call, who travelled with Jackson to 
Washington in the autumn of 1824, and who, of course, 
vv'-as familiar with the opinions of his companion in rela- 
tion to the engrossing topick of the day, publickly de- 
clared, on the journey, that "Jackson's friends did not ex- 
pect Mr. Clay to vote for him, and, if he did so, it would 
be an act of duplicity." 

Mr. Clay's reasons for not choosing to support General 
Jackson for the presidency are obvious. Fie could not do 
it, without incarring the censure of the country, and the 
rebuke of his own conscience. He knew that Jackson, al- 
though a successful general, possessed so few of the qua- 
lifications of a civilian, that he had resigned several second- 
ary state offices, assigning as a reason, his incompetencj 
to discharge their duties. He knew that Jackson, even in 
his military capacity, had repeatedly broken that consti- 

20* 



234 BIOGRAPHY OF 

tution, which it is the duty of the American people to 
guard with their lives. With an eloquence, that will 
kindle a flame in the hearts of posterity, he had endea- 
voured to bring the hero to justice for his conduct in the 
Seminole war. He had charged him with having viola- 
ted the common law of the land, and the common law 
of humanity, in the murder of Indian prisoners; with 
having spurned his own court martial mider foot, and out- 
raged its authority: with having usurped the war-making 
power of congress, and, in reckless defiance of governmental 
orders, sacked the fortresses of the Spanish king ; before 
the nation he had charged him with all these things, and 
predicted, that, if the offender was suffered to pass uncen- 
sured, the example might be the first in a train of events, 
which would leave the spots of death upon our infant re- 
publick. With what overwhelming force would not the 
enemies of Mr. Clay have been able to assail him, if, after 
expressing such opinions of the conduct and deserts of 
General Jackson, he had given him his vote for the presi- 
denc}'' of the United States ! 

Probably Mr. Clay had not yet forgotten — what many 

others still remember — that, when General Jackson was 

announced to the American people as a candidate for the 

presidenc}^, the nomination was universally considered too 

absurd to have been made in good faith. A proposition to 

send out our veneruble chief justice and his associates on 

the bench, as commodore and captains of a Mediterranean 

squadron, could not have been regarded as more fantastical. 

The impression soon became general, that Jackson had 

been put forward for the single purpose of dividing the 

West, and thereby defeating the election of Mr. Clay. 

Mr. C.'s friends, at the present day, have no doubt of the 

fact. 

As for Mr. Adams, Mr. C. knew, from having been often 



HENRY CLAY. 235 

associated with him in the most important of our national 
transactions at home and abroad, that he was a civilian 
of powerful intellect ; of strong and dispassionate judge- 
ment ; and of almost unexampled learning and experience 
in the policy and laws of the United States. He knew 
that Mr. Adams, more than any other man, was familiar 
with the origin, progress, and condition of our negotiations 
with foreign powers. It is true, that, during the • dis- 
cussions at Ghent, Messrs. Clay and Adams had enter- 
tained a difference of opinion upon a single question of ex- 
pediency ; but there could surely be no reason why Mr. 
Clay, from so trivial a consideration, should forever re- 
nounce all political fellowship with his illustrious oppo- 
nent, and deem him equally censurable with a man, who 
had walked over laws and constitutions, as if they had 
been ''but dust beneath his sandals." 

Another reason for Mr. Clay's preference of Mr. Adams 
has always struck us with peculiar force. Mr. C. had 
been labouring, during the best years of his life, to establish 
the sj^stems of Internal Improvement and American indus- 
try; and now he had just succeeded in placing them both 
upon firm foundations. It was his duty and his v/ish to 
guard them. How was this to be done 1 Not by the ele- 
vation of a man to the chief magistracy, who would wield 
against them the whole vast power of his office. Mr. 
Clay believed Mr. Adams to be a friend to these systems ; 
and knew that, from his local situation in the country, he 
would be under the necessity of supporting them. On the 
other hand, he believed Mr. Crawford and General Jack- 
son to be enemies to those systems; and knew that, from 
their local situations, they would be forced to oppose them. 
What, then, was the course required of him ? To prefer 
men to principles ? To prostrate the stupendous work of 
years by a single act of infatuation ? To offer up the glory 



236 BIOGRAPHY OF 

of his life — upon the low altar of a partisan preference^ 
No, no — this was not the duty of Henry Clay. 

When the day of trial arrived, Mr. C. gave his TOte (7) 
for Mr. Adams, and the latter became president. In the 
appointment of a secretary of state, Mr. A. could have no 
hesitation. Mr. Clay was the one prominent man. Had 
the question been referred to the people of the United 
States, they would have appointed him, as with one voice. 
He preferred his place as speaker of the house of represent- 
atives, and would not have accepted the secretaryship, had 
he not been previously instrumental in Mr. Adams's elec- 
tion. He did not think it proper, after having assisted in 
elevating a rnan to the presidency, to withhold his own 
aid from the administration of the government. 

For some time it seemed as if partisan vengeance would 
soon consent to desist from the pursuit of Mr. Clay ; but 
a distinguished accuser at length appeared against him. 
It was General Jackson. This gentleman began to assert 
in private circles, that he himself might probably have been 
president, had he but offered Mr. Clay the secretOjryship. 
It seems strange, that the rage and mortification of politi- 
cal discomfiture could inspire, even in a mind enfeebled by 
age and perverted by long-cherished passions, an idea so 
utterly preposterous. Mr. Clay had, long before, declined 
the voluntary offer of a place in the cabinet of the illus- 
trious Madison ; he had declined the same offer under the 
administration of Mr. Monroe, who had also tendered him 
the mission to England, or any other foreign mission he 
might prefer ; and it would have been strange, indeed, if, 
after all this, he had felt a longing to sell his integrity, his 
soul, and his country, for a place in the cabinet of Jack- 
son. There was never a paradox in the whole range of 

(7) See Appendix. 



HENRY CLAY. 237 

moral, physical, and intellectual science — never a fantasy 
in the feeblest dreams of a sick man — more inexpressibly 
absurd, than the supposition of such a fact. There 
was, at that day, no publick officer in America, upon 
whom Henry Clay could not look down from his 
own proud eminence; and sorry we were to hear 
him charged with an attempt to bargain for the 'privi- 
lege of descending into a secretaryship under Andrew 
Jackson. 

Not satisfied with private hints and declarations, Mr. 
Clay's distinguished accuser finally stated, in a publick 
letter, that overtures of bargain had been made to him, 
during the pendency of the presidential election in the 
house of representatives, by the friends of Mr. Clay. With 
his usual promptitude of character, Mr, Clay demanded 
through whom those overtures had been made. In reply, 
General Jackson gave up the name of Mr, James Bu- 
chanan, one of his own personal and political friends. Mi. 
Buchanan, however, was an honourable man, and hesita- 
ted not to say publickly, that he had never made to Gene- 
ral Jackson the overtures in question, or any that bore the 
ast resemblance to them. The principal accuser was 
now silent ; but his partisans stopped their ears and shut 
their eyes to the proofs of Mr. Clay's innocence, and 
cried — " away with him I" " away with him !" 

In January, 1828, Mr. C. made his final appeal to the 
publick. He issued a pamphlet, wherein he had brought 
I forward, in one powerful array, the testimony of the west- 
ei'n delegation of 1825, for the vindication of his own 
character, and the refutation of the charges of General 
Jackson and his other enemies. The whole delegation 
testified, that Mr. Clay had never attempted to influence 
their votes, and that they had never heard him express, 
and had never themselves expressed, a willingness to vote 



238 ' BIOGRAPHY OF 

for General Jackson upon any conditions, which it was 
in the power of earthly greatness to offer. There was 
never a publication more conclusive and triumphant than 
this pamphlet of Mr. Clay. The following are his closing 
remarks. " I make no appeal to publick sympathy. I in- 
voke only stern justice. If truth has not lost its force, 
reason its sway, and the fountains of justice their purity, 
the decision must be auspicious. With a firm reliance 
upon the enlightened judgement of the publick, and con- 
scious of the zeal and uprightness with which I have ex- 
ecuted every trust committed to my care, I await the 
event without alarm or apprehension. Whatever it 
may be, my anxious hopes will continue for the 
success of the great cause of human liberty, and of 
those high interests of national policy, to the promotion of 
which, the best exertions of my life have been faithfully 
dedicated. And my humble but earnest prayers will be 
unremitted, that all danger may be averted from our com- 
mon country ; and especially, that our union, our liberty, 
and our institutions, may long survive, a cheering excep- 
tion from the operations of that fatal decree, which the 
voice of all history has hitherto uniformly proclaimed." 

It gives us pleasure to know, that the auspicious de- 
cision, anticipated by Mr. Clay, has been pronounced by 
the publick. The story of bargain has now died away, 
and is one of those reminiscences of a former period, which 
are called to mind by respectable men, only as an illustra- 
tion of the enormities to which an intemperate excitement 
may give a partial and temporary prevalence. In thia 
case, the triumph of truth is a matter of congratulation to 
the American people ; but there is much to shadow the 
brightness of their joy. It is indeed a dark and fearful 
thought, that such a man as Henry Clay — one who, from 
his earliest manhood, has devoted himself to his country, 



HENRY CLAY. 239 

stood by her in all her trials, shrunk from the honours 
and rewards that were yearly clustering around him as 
the desert of his toil, and poured forth his sublime orisons 
I to Liberty, till the republicks of the South and the isles of 
the JEtgesin caught up the sound and shouted aloud for 
joy — a}'', it is a very fearful thought, that such a man, in 
a land like this, can be so powerfully assailed with absurd 
and unsupported calumnies, as to find it necessary to strug- 
gle against them, year after year, lest his usefulness, his 
peace, his name, his very life, should be "lied away." 
Such an incident learns us not to wonder, that even the 
prophets were stoned, and a greater than the prophets 
condemned as a malefactor. In a country, where truth and 
justice are the living soul of liberty, an event like this 
should be looked upon as a deep warning of the necessity 
of vigilance. Our morning is yet bright ; but, if a dark 
cloud has already passed between us and Heaven, it should 
admonish us, that the storm may yet burst above us in all 
its wildness. 



240 BIOGRAPHY OF 



PART FOURTH. 



I 



SECTION FIRST. 

Mr. Adams commenced the duties of the presidencj, 
and Mr. Clay those of the secretaryship, in March, 1825. 
The vindication of the measures of the government be- 
tween the years 1 825 and 1 829 belongs more properly to 
the biographer of Mr. Adams than of Mr. Clay. It is within 
our province, however, to say, that the confidence in Mr. Ad- 
ams, which Mr. C. evinced by his vote of Februarj", 1825, 
\vas not misplaced. The time has not yet come, for a calm 
and dispassionate judgement to be passed upon the acts of 
the last administration ; but, in the order of things, it must 
come, and we believe it is not far distant. Mr. Adams, it 
is true, was not re-elected by the people to the presidency. 
He is not the first great and good man, who has been dis- 
carded for his very virtues by a misguided populace. Hu- 
man nature is the same now as when the ancient re- 
publicks were in their strength ; and, in those days, some 
of the greatest patriots were hunted into exile, while the 
votaries of tyranny and blood, whose very paths had been 
paved with human skulls, received the adulations of the 
multitude. To those men of the olden time, posterity has 
already done justice. The name of the persecuted patriot 
touches our love and veneration, while the memory of the 
successful tyrant is " broadening, deepening, blackening, 
in one eternal progress of infamy." Thus it must al- 



HENRY CLAY. 241 

ways be. Justice may sometimes come too late to benefit 
the living martyr ; but, even then, it v^ill hover as a glory 
over his tomb. There is a "remorse of love,'" which 
wronged virtue must sooner or later awaken. It is on 
such grounds, that Mr. Adams may expect justice — if not 
from the present generation, at least from posterity. 
When the spirit of faction shall have spent its strength 
and died — when the flood of calumny, which, like the 
stream from the mouth of the Apocalyptick Dragon, has 
overspread the land with its pestilential tide, shall have 
passed off into the Dead Sea of common oblivion, the vir- 
tue of the last administration will be remembered, and will 
glow, undimmed over the waste of after corruption, like 
"night's diamond star" above the dark outline of a sky 
of storm. 

In no one of the executive departments are the labours 
of the chief so great as in that of the department of 
state. Every instruction, every despatch, every diplo- 
matick note, transmitted to the numerous American mis- 
sions abroad, or the foreign ministers at Washington, must 
be prepared by the state secretary. The labours of the 
office had greatly increased, when Mr. Clay entered it, by 
the multiplication of our foreign missions, and the increase 
of the diplomatick corps at Washington. From the un- 
fortunate state of parties throughout the whole course of 
Mr. Adams's administration, it was impracticable to obtain 
that aid, repeatedly solicited, which has been accorded to 
Mr. Clay's successor. Mr. C.'s health too was deHcate 
and infirm during the whole period of his secretaryship, in- 
somuch that, in the spring of 1828, he had resolved to re- 
tire from office, and stated his resolution to Mr. Adams. 
Under these circumstances, it was astonishing that he was 
able to accompHsh the vast amount of business that de- 
volved on him. 

21 



242 BIOGRAPHY OF 

The following testimonial of Mr. Clay's fidelity and 
ability in office, we received, a few days since, from Mr. 
Adams. Mr. A.'s eulogies wear well, for they are never 
thoughtlessly bestowed : 

" auiNCY, 19th Oct. 1830. 
" George D. Prentice, Esq. Lexington, Ky. : 

" Sir : The opinion, that I entertained of the talents and 
services of Mr. Clay, was manifested to the world by the 
nommation of him, as secretary of state. It had already 
been made known to him, at the time of his retirement 
from congress, in 1820. I then informed him, that, in the 
event of a vacancy in the mission to Great Britain, I should 
deem it my duty to recommend to the then president, the 
nomination of him to that office, if it would be acceptable 
to him. ♦ 

" Immediately after the close of my administration, an 
address was transmitted to me by certain citizens of New 
Jersey, to which I returned forthwith an answer. (8) In 
that paper, I assigned the motives which had induced me 
to nominate Mr. Clay to the office of secretary of state. 
It was published in many of the newspapers, and remains 
a testimonial from me to Mr. Clay, to which I could now 
add, and from which I could deduct nothing. With Mr. 
Clay's administration of the department of state, I v/as 
entirely satisfied. The composition of all his official pa- 
pers was creditable to the country. Through the whole 
course of the administration, I recollect but one act of his, 
which I disapproved and lamented. (9) I hope and be- 
lieve he did the same. The despatch and facility witii 
which he transacted business, was the more remarkable, 
by the infirm state of his health during the whole term ; 

(8) (9) See Appendix. 



HENRY CLAY. 243 

from which, I have learned, with great pleasure, that he 
has now recovered. 
, . " I am, very respectfully, sir, your obed't serVt, 

"J. a ADAMS." 

To this testimonial of Mr. Adams in favour of Mr. Clay, 
we are happy in being able to add the following eloquent 
tribute from Mr. Rush, the late distinguished secretary of 
the treasury. As a great part of it relates to Mr. C.'s ad- 
ministration of the affairs of state, it may be considered ap- 
propriate in this place. 

''York, Penn. August 24th, 1830. 

" Dear Sir : I very much regret that it is out of my 
power to lend any essential aid to your important work, 
though I shall take an interest in its success. I know, in 
truth, little, if any thing, of Mr. Clay's life, that is not 
known to us all. He has been so long and so conspicu- 
ously before the publick, that his name has become iden- 
tified with the most important measures of the country, for 
the last twenty years, whether originating in its legisla- 
tive councils, or depending upon its executive acts. I 
well remember, that, during the war of 1812, having my- 
self had a share in the administration of Mr. Madison du- 
ring that war, though only in an humble way, we con- 
sidered Mr. Clay as the great prop of the publick cause in 
congress. However eminent and useful others might have 
been, he stood foremost in ardour, in eloquence, in power to 
achieve the great ends, which the exigencies of that period 
demanded. This, of itself, is no light praise, when that 
body contained such men as Lowndes, Cheves, and Cal- 
houn, besides others of scarcely inferior renown. 

" I first became intimately associated in political and per- 
sonal intercourse with Mr. Clay in 1825, when he assumed 
the duties of the department of state. Up to that period, I 
must own, that, highly as I, in common with others, rated 



244 BIOGRAPHY OP 

him as a publick speaker, as well as for those other com- 
manding qualities of the mind, that fit men to take the lead 
in the business of legislative assembhes, I was not sure, that 
he would display equal abilities in the new field to which he 
was called. Nevetheless, it soon appeared to me that he was 
alike pre-eminent in that field. It appeared to me, that he 
was as deliberate, as sagacious, as instructive, in council, as 
he had always shown himself vehement, fervid, and efficient 
in debate; perfectly master of all the great interests of the na- 
tion at home and abroad, and pursuing them with earnest- 
ness and zeal, yet with candour; always explaining his 
own open views upon whatever subjects might engage 
the dehberations of the executive, with a clear, prompt, and 
comprehensive intelligence, yet ready to listen to the 
opinions of others ; ready, too, always to modify and cor- 
rect his own opinions, on good reason appearing for it — for 
to the well-being of the nation did he alwaj^s look with an 
ardent and enlightened patriotism; — such, in a word, did 
Mr. Clay appear to me in the cabinet ; his mind and his 
temper exhibiting the highest qualities of the statesman, 
and each developing new excellence as j^ou came to sur- 
vey them more closely. If I were to write more of him, 
and above all, if I were to go into any estimate of the ef- 
fect, which I believe to have been produced upon the policy 
of the nation, in some of its greatest interests, whether do- 
mestick or foreign, by his publick exertions and services, I 
should run into disquisitions that would encroach upon 
your province, which is far from my intention. 

" It would be no very quick task to analyze all the pro- 
perties of Mr. Claj^'s rich and varied genius. Those, who 
witness only the lighter charms which it throws off in the 
common intercourse of society and conversation, can 
scarcely know how profound and accurate are its opera- 
tions, when it comes to deal with publick affairs, however 



HENRY CLAY. 245 

diversified or complicated the scale on which they may be 

presented to him. 

'' I remain, dear sir, with great respect, 

" Your obed't serv't, 
"RICHARD RUSH." 
"Geo. D. Prentice, Esq." 

It may be safely asserted, that, at no period has the di- 
plomacy of the United States commanded more respect 
and consideration with foreign powers, than during the 
late administration of Mr. Adams Mr. Clay's intercourse 

with the foreign ministers, who were accredited to our 
government, was free, frank, and liberal. No unnecessary 
forms were imposed on their access to the department of 
state, where they usually found him, in official hours, 
ready, without ceremony, to receive any proposition, and 
transact any business with them. No serious misunder- 
standing occurred between him and any of them, whilst 
he was in office. When he parted with them, more than 
one of their number are said to have shed tears ; and we 
know, that several of them have rendered him, in his re- 
tirement, strong proofs of their continued respect and af- 
fection. A circumstance, which evinces the increased re- 
spect entertained for the United States by foreign nations, 
at the period we are noticing, and which may well be 
considered flattering to our national pride, is the number 
of treaties negotiated by Mr. Clay at the seat of the gene- 
ral government. This number is greater than that of all 
which had ever been previously concluded there from the 
iirst adoption of the constitution. Instead of our sending 
ambassadors abroad to solicit from foreign powers, at their 
respective courts, the formation of commercial and other 
treaties, their representatives repaired to Washington to 
obtain the benefit of these national engagements. Thus 
Mr. Clay concluded and signed, at Washington, treaties 

21* 



246 BIOGRAPHY OF 

with Central America, Prussia, Denmark, and the Hanse- 
atick repubhck, and an arrangement with Russia for the 
settlement of claims of American citizens. He also con- 
cluded a treaty with Austria, but did not remain in office 
to see it signed. 

These treaties relate principally to commerce, naviga- 
tion, and neutral rights, and display the spirit of unbounded 
liberality, which actuated the late administration and Mr. 
Clay. He has sometimes been accused of unfriendliness 
to foreign commerce. His attachment to the protection 
of American industry is relied upon as proof of such a 
disposition. Let those who, from this cause, have imbibed 
a prejudice against him, attentively examine the provi- 
sions of the above-mentioned treaties. There is a simpli- 
city, a justice, in his principles of foreign policy, which, 
when well understood, must secure universal approbation. 
We are a young people. We commenced our career in 
the family of nations, at a time when most of them, owing 
to the colonial system, which was imposed on us by Great 
Britain, had advanced far beyond us in the arts of com- 
merce, navigation, and manufactures. The successful 
prosecution of all these arts, Mr. Clay believes to l)e essen- 
tial to the general prosperity of the country. Commerce 
and navigation soon obtained and long enjoyed the fos- 
tering care of the general government, and their strength 
and stability bear testimony to the wisdom with which 
that care was applied. Manufactures, however, were 
neglected, until after the conclusion of the late war with 
Great Britain. Mr. Clay believed, that they also ought 
to receive encouragement and protection, until they could 
sustain an equal competition with foreign manufactures; 
and hence his devotion to the American system. 

1 he skill, and experience, and capital, which we have 
ar:|Vir«»d in commerce and navigation, enable us success- 



HENRY CLAY. 24? 

fully to meet the enterprise of foreign merchants and navi- 
gators in any market and on every sea, where terms of 
fair reciprocity are allowed. In respect to these great in- 
terests, we have come up to foreign powers, and conse- 
quently have no occasion for protecting duties. Accord- 
ingly, in the treaties to which we have adverted, it will 
be seen, that Mr. Clay contributed to remove every shackle, 
so as to leave the most perfect freedom to commerce and 
navigation. Prior to their negotiation, the principle had 
been adopted — and it was first adopted in the London 
treaty of 1815, negotiated by Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay, and 
Mr. Gallatin; that the merchant vessels of the two countries, 
with their cargoes, should be received into each other's 
ports upon a footing of entire equality, those of the one 
being liable to no higher or other duties, than were de- 
mandable from those of the other. But this principle was 
subject to the inconvenient restriction, that the vessels of 
the two coimtries could only import the productions and 
manufactures of the countries themselves. Thus, a British 
vessel might bring into an American port any article of 
British origin on the same terms with an American ves- 
sel, but was forbidden to bring any article of the growth 
or manufacture of any other country ; and an American 
vessel, in turn, was under a similar restriction on entering 
a British port. The treaties with Central America and 
the other powers, mentioned above, have abolished this 
restriction between the parties ; and, under their stipula- 
tions, whatever a native vessel can import or export, may, 
without regard to the place of its growth or manvfacturey 
be imported or exported in the vessels of the other contract- 
ing party. Mr. Clay, speaking of this important princi- 
ple in one of the most important of his state papers, justly 
observes, '' its reciprocity is perfect ; and when it comes to 
be adopted by all nations, we can scarcely see anj' thing 



248 BIOGRAPHY OF 

beyond it in the way of improvement to the freedom and 
interests of their mutual navigation. The devices of mari- 
time nations have been various to augment their marine 
at the expense of other powers. When there has been a 
passive acquiescence in the operation of these devices, 
without any resort to countervaihng regulation, their suc- 
cess has been sometimes very great. But nations are now 
too enlightened to submit quietly to the selfish efforts of 
any one power to engross, by its own separate legislation, 
a disproportionate share of navigation in their mutual in- 
tercourse. These efforts are now met hy opposite efforts ; 
restriction begets restriction, until the discovery is at last 
made, after a long train of vexatious and irritating acts 
and manoeuvres, on both sides, that the course of selfish 
legislation ultimately does not effect the distribution of 
maritime power, whilst it is attended with the certain evil 
of putting nations into an ill-humour with each other. 
Experience, at last, teaches that, in every view, it is better 
to begin and continue in the career of liberality." These 
liberal, lucid, and powerful views, could not induce Great 
Britain, with all her boasted attachment to the freedom of 
trade, to accede to the principle which they illustrate. 
When Mr. Gallatin, in conformity with instructions from 
Mr. Clay, proposed it, she declined its acceptance. 

While speaking of the maritime regulations between 
this country and Great Britain, the occasion seems to be a 
suitable one for saying a few words on the so much bruited 
subject of the AVest India trade, which the late adminis- 
tration is charged by a certain party with having unne- 
cessaril}'- and wantonly sacrificed. Never was the un- 
scrupulous spirit of party guilty of a clamour more unjus- 
tifiable than that with which Mr. Clay, and the other late 
officers of the general government, were assailed, in relation 



HENRY CLAY. 249 

to this trade. This, we think, will sufficiently appear 
from the following true account of the matter. 

A negotiation at London had been pending between 
Mr. Rush and the British government, in respect to the 
West India trade, and other subjects. It was suspended 
in 1824, with a mutual understanding, that it should be 
resumed at some future but indefinite period. Mr. Rush 
was summoned home to take charge of the treasury de- 
partment; and Mr. Rufus King succeeded him in 1825. 
During his voyage to England, Mr. K. was attacked by a 
disease, which continued to grow worse and worse, until 
|iis return the next year to America, and finally produced 
his death. When he arrived in England, the king was 
ill ; Mr. Canning, the prime minister, was ill ; and the 
other principal members of thie cabinet were either on the 
continent or dispersed over the kingdom. It may be truly 
affirmed, therefore, that neither party was in a condition 
to treat during the year 1825. Meantime, and before Mr. 
King's arrival at London, an act of parliament passed in 
general terms to regulate the British West-India trade. 
This act was not communicated to Mr. Kinsr or to the 
American government ; nor was the slightest intimation 
given or to be gathered from the terms of the act itself, 
that it was intended to have any bearing whatever on the 
suspended negotiation. The provisions themselves of the 
act were vague and indefinite. If expounded according 
to their obvious import, they required conditions that were 
altogether inadmissible. Thus, as a condition of any 
country's being entitled to the enjoyment of the West In- 
dia trade, under the act, Great Britain demanded to 
be placed, in respect to that country, on the footing of the 
most favoured nation. Now Guatemala or Central Ameri- 
ca was, at that time, the country most favoured in the 
United States. In consequence of the treaty already no- 



250 BIOGRAPHY OF 

ticed as having been concluded at Washington between 
Guatemala and our government, she was at liberty to im- 
port into the United States the productions of any part of 
the world on the same footing with our own vessels. To 
have allowed this privilege to Great Britain without her 
allowing a corresponding privilege to us, which hy the act 
of parliament she did not do, and which she subsequently 
declared, that she was not willing to do, would have pros- 
trated our navigation, and secured to hers a monopoly of 
the carrying trade between her ports and this country. 

Not only was no communication made, by the British 
minister at Washington, of the act of parliament, but, 
when he was interrogated by Mr. Clay, it was found, that 
he had no instructions to explain the ambiguities of the 
act, or even to say, whether it was intended to apph" to the 
United States or not. As late as March, 1826, he invited 
the American government to the renewal of the suspended 
neofotiation, without the slisi:htest sugg-estion, that the 
West India trade was to be considered as withdrawn from 
it. The president promptly sent out Mr. Gallatin, charged 
with full powers and instructions to renew the suspended 
negotiation, embracing all the original subjects of it, and 
the West India trade, of course, among others. The se- 
quel is well known. Upon opening his credentials, he was 
not only informed, that the British government would not 
treat of that trade, but tauntingly told, that to admit the 
United States to its participation on any terms was a boon, 
and, that as we had not brought ourselves within the pro- 
visions of the act of parliament, we should be excluded 
from the trade. Upon Mr. Gallatin's reminding the Bri- 
tish government, that the subject in question was equally 
included with others in the suspended negotiation ; that 
the invitation, given by the British minister at Washing- 
ton, applied to the whole ; and, that the act of parliament 



HENRY CLAV. 



251 



had never been officially communicated, at London or at 
Washington, to the American government, he was further 
o-iven to understand, that the United States were bound to 
knoiv and to take notice of the acts of parliament I A more 
affrontive suggestion, or a manifestation of worse faith, has 
seldom been heard of in the diplomacy of any nation. 

The consequence was a mutual prohibition of all direct 
intercourse in- British or American vessels between the 
United States and the West India ports of Great Britain. 
This state of things was not injurious to the commerce or 
navigation of the United States. The prohibited trade 
was still carried on circuitously through intermediate 
ports in the neighbourhood of those of Britain, and the 
American navigation enjoyed a monopoly of the transpor- 
tation to those intermediate ports. 

Since our present administration came into power, an 
arrangement has been made between the two governments, 
by which the enactments of the British law of parlia- 
ment are extended to the United States. On what terms, 
and in what manner, this has been effected, will be seen, 
should the correspondence ever be published. The ar- 
rangement may be terminated at any moment by the will 

1 of either party. Mr. Clay and the late administration 
proposed an arrangement by treaty, as being more obliga- 

j tory and more durable. They preferred it, because too 
they hoped to be able to place the vessels of the two coun- 

' tries in a condition of exact equahty. By the late arrange- 
ment this was not done ; for a British vessel enjoys exclu- 
sively the benefit of a circuitous voyage between Great 
Britain and the United States by the way of the West In- 
dies, there taking in fresh cargo, or discharging the whole 
or a part of her previous cargo. It is doubtful, whether 
an American vessel can successfully compete with a Bri- 
tish vessel having that great advantage ; and, if it cannot, 



252 BIOGRAPHY OF 

our navigation will be injuriously afFectea, not merely in 
the trade with the British West India islands, but in that 
also with the parent country. 

We have heard, that, during Mr. Clay's administration 
of the secretaryship, whenever it became his duty to give 
instructions to one of our ministers, or to prepare a despatch, 
he first examined the subject thoroughly, and perused at- 
tentively whatever documents were on file in relation to 
it, and then framed the paper according to his own con- 
ceptions of what belonged to the case, and submitted the 
draft to the inspection of the president. Mr. Adams often 
expressed his surprise at the extreme correctness and 
unexampled facility, with which all Mr. C.'s state papers 
were prepared. It was a very unusual thing for any of 
them to undergo an alteration, even in the most trifling 
particular. 

Sometimes it became the unpleasant duty of Mr. Clay 
to reprove our foreign agents. A remarkable instance of 
this kind happened in the case of Mr. Raguet, our charge 
d'affaires at the court of the Brazils. That gentleman, 
probably with the best intentions, had adopted toward the 
court a system of menace and intimidation, which ren- 
dered him extremely unpopular, and brought our affairs 
into the most embarrassed condition at Rio de Janeiro. 
He had allowed himself to use harsh and unbecoming 
language to an officer of the Brazilian government, and 
that in relation to the concerns of foreign powers, and not 
of the United States. Mr. Clay's reproof is expressed ^ 
as to wound his feelings as little as possible, whilst, at the 
same time, it conveys, clearly and decisively, the disap- 
probation of the government. It points out the duty of a 
foreign minister so appropriately, and so forciblj-, that itst 
precepts should be treasured up by every one, who is sent 
abroad. We regret that we are not, at this moment, able 



HENRY CLAY. 253 

to find the document, and to offer our readers an abstract 
of it. 

The advantages of a course of respect, mildness, and 
conciliation, directly opposed to that which had been pur- 
sued by Mr. Raguet, were demonstrated in the conduct of 
his successor, Mr. Tudor, who was highly esteemed by 
Mr. Clay. In a few months, he won the regard of the 
Brazilian emperor and his ministers, disentangled our 
affairs, procured the settlement of private claims of our 
citizens to a large amount, which Mr. Raguet had in vaiK 
been solicitmg for years, and negotiated a very advar - 
tageous commercial treaty, 

22 



I 



254 BIOGRAPHY OF 



SECTION SECOND. 

Almost as soon as Mr. Clay assumed the duties of the 
secretaryship, he turned his thoughts earnestly to the con- ' 
templation of a subject, in which he had never ceased to 
feel an interest — the cause of human liberty throughout 
the world. He had failed, when in congress, to procure, 
on the part of the United States, the recognition of Gre- 
cian independence ; but he was now placed in a situation 
more favourable to the exercise of governmental influence. 
From time to time, he suggested the subject to the consi- 
deration of the president, and, without much difficulty, ef- 
fected his favourite design. A minister was sent out by 
our government to Greece ; and thus that country was 
hailed into the family of independent nations by the freest 
and mightiest people on earth. America was the first to 
recognize her ; and this measure was effected by the zeal 
and perseverance of Mr. Clay. The effect was such as the 
great prophet of liberty had anticipated. Greece, after al- 
most super-human struggles, had begun to faint and sink 
under the Turkish scimetar ; but when she heard herself 
proclaimed independent from the far-off shores of the wes- 
tern continent, the sound thrilled through her spirit, as if 
it had been the voice of her three hundred Spartans call- 
ing from their ancient tombs, and her fleeting life came 
back to her, and again the ranks of the Turk were broken 
by the whirlwind fury of her onset. 

One of Mr. Clay's most important state papers, and, in- 
deed, one of the ablest and most brilliant on record, was 
produced soon after he came into office, and bears date 
May 10th, 1825. It was an official letter, addressed to 
Mr. Middleton, our minister at Russia, with the professed 
object of inducing the Emperor Alexander to use his influ- 



HENRY CLAY. 255 

ence toward putting a period to the war, that, for seven- 
teen years, had been raging between Spain and her South 
American colonies. This letter, which has been equally 
admired in our own country and in Europe, for the beauty 
and fervour of its eloquence, the liberality of its doctrines, 
and the strength of its reasonings, was projected and writ- 
ten by Mr. Clay, without the aid of the suggestions of any 
other officer of government. The skill with which, in 
this production, Mr. C. flattered the pride of the Empe- 
ror, and enlisted it on the side of his own views, is a fair 
illustration of that consummate knowledge of human na- 
ture, by the aid of which, a man, even with abilities far in- 
ferior to those of Mr. Clay, might make his power exten- 
sively felt in the destinies of his fellow men. 

In this splendid document, Mr. Clay described, with 
great force, the condition of South America ; illustrated 
the impossibility of her ever being re-conquered by Spain ; 
dwelt upon the benefits that would result from the re-esta- 
blishment of peace, not only to the belligerent powers but 
to all Europe ; and suggested, that the Emperor of Rus- 
sia, by effecting such a measure, might render himself as 
great and glorious in peace, as he had already become in 
war. Although Mr. Clay, in this letter, did not directly 
ask the interference of Alexander in behalf of Greece, it 
being a subject in which our national interests were not 
immediately concerned, still he was careful to press those 
topicks and dwell upon those sentiments, which would be 
most likely to suggest to the Emperor the cause of the 
Greeks, and remind him of the fame that would crown 
his years, if he were to deliver that suffering people, as 
well as the South Americans, from the grasp of tyranny. 

The effect of this letter was such as the writer had 
aimed to produce. The Emperor instructed his minister 
at the Spanish court to use every exertion in favour of the 



256 BIOGRAPHY OF 

4 

pacification of the colonies ; and shortly afterwards, the 
effusion of blood was stopped, and the independence of 
South America acknowledged by the parent country. In 
the mean time, Alexander directed his personal attention 
more immediately to the Greeks, who were warring with 
the ancient enemy of his realm. He made proposals to 
the grand sultan with regard to Greece, but they were 
not accepted. Hereupon he commenced the grand cir- 
cuit of his empire, with the intent to prepare for war ; and 
his death happening shortly afterwards, his successor, 
with one tremendous blow, shivered the power of Turkey 
to its foundation. These events, originating, as they did, 
in the patriotism and sagacity of our own immortal Clay, 
show how the physical strength of half a world may be 
wielded by an individual, formed by nature to fashion the 
great occurrences of the age. 

In 1 825, the republicks of Colombia, Mexico, and Cen- 
tral America, invited the government of the United States 
to send representatives to a general congress of American 
nations, to be held at Panama, for the purpose of adopting 
certain rules v/ith regard to the subsequent relations of the 
contracting powers. Such an invitation, from such sources, 
our government thought it impolitick to refuse. The 
refusal would have manifested an inexcusable disregard 
of the great interests of the American hemisphere, and 
been a virtual contradiction of the many protestations of 
friendship, which, during the administration of Mr. Mon- 
roe, the United States had made to the southern republicks. 
After due deliberation, Messrs. Adams and Clay determin- 
ed to send a delegation to Panama, and, for this purpose, 
selected Messrs. John Sergeant and Richard C. Anderson, 
men of great experience and distinguished talents. 

The task of framing a document, to define the powers 
of the representatives of the United States, and designate 



HENRY CLAY. 257 

the course they were to adopt upon the important ques- 
tions, that were likely to arise in the Panama congress, 
devolved on Mr. Clay. It was a task which he nobly ex- 
ecuted. Were we called on to point to that written effort 
of Mr. Clay, w^hich, beyond all others, exhibited an en- 
larged capacity of mind, an over-mastering intellect, and 
a boundless comprehension of the rights of nations, we 
might linger over many other of his productions with fer- 
vid and enthusiastick admiration, but we should fix our 
preference, at last, upon the " Panama Instructions." We 
know of no political document in the English language, 
that excels this ; and we believe the period will arrive, 
when its doctrines will be acknowledged, both in theory 
and practice, by all the free governments on earth. 

The enemies of Messrs. Adams and Clay, it is well re- 
collected, opposed the Panama mission w^th a violence 
almost unexampled in the history of partisan infatuation. 
Toward the close of Mr. A.'s term of service, however, a 
call was made by some of the friends of the administra- 
tion in congress, for the publication of the Panama docu- 
ments, and, among the rest, of the official instructions to 
Messrs. Sergeant and Anderson. This call excited the 
alarm of the members of the opposition ; and well it might. 
They knew, that the promulgation of those instructions 
would add a new diamond to the coronet of Mr. Clay's 
fame. They knew, too, that it would refute every asser- 
tion of theirs, that the object of the administration, in 
sending representatives to the Panama congress, was to 
carry into effect purposes inconsistent with the interests 
and true policy of the United States. 

Our representatives were authorized by Mr. Clay's in- 
structions, to treat with those from the other American 
powers, of peace, friendship, commerce, navigation, mari- 
time law, neutral and belligerent rights, and other matter! 

22* 



258 BIOGRAPHY OF 

interesting to the whole continent ; but there was to be a 
distinct understanding, that the congress should be strictly 
diplomatick in its character, and not a body possessing the 
powers of ordinary legislation. The United States were 
not to be bound by any treaty or pact, to which they did 
not expressly give their assent through their representa- 
tives ; and every treaty, thus assented to, was to be sent 
home for a final ratification, according to the provisions of 
the constitution. All idea of an Amphyctionick council 
was rejected, Mr. Clay justly considered, that the whole 
American continent was too spacious a field for the legis- 
lation of a single body. In any discussion that might 
take place, relative to the war between Spain and the 
southern republicks, our representatives were forbidden to 
take part ; but still they were apprized, that if the leagued 
despots of Europe should, from hostility to liberal princi- 
ples, attempt to aid in the subjugation of Spanish Ame- 
rica, the v/hole energ}'- of the United States would be 
brought into requisition to repel the aggression. 

Mr. Clay's remarks, with regard to the regulations that 
ought to prevail in relation to private property upon the 
ocean in time of war, are worthy of the highest commen- 
dation. We crive an extract : 

"Although, in the arrangement of things, security 
against oppression should be the greatest where it is most 
.likely to be often practised, it is, nevertheless, remarkable, 
that the progress of enlightened civilization has been much 
more advanced on the land than on the ocean. And, ac- 
cordingly, personal rights, and especially those of pro- 
perty, have both a safety and protection on the former, 
which they do not enjoy on the latter element. Scarcely 
any circumstance would now tend more to exalt the cha- 
racter of America, than that of uniting its endeavours to 
bring up the arrears of civilization, as applied to the ocean, 



HENRY CLAY. .259 

to the same forward point which it has attained on the 
land, and thus rendering men and their property secure 
against all human injustice and violence, leave them ex- 
posed only to the action of those storms and disasters, suf- 
ficiently perilous, which are comprehended in the dispen- 
sations of Providence. 

'• It is under the influence of these, and similar considera- 
tions, that you will bring forward, at the contemplated 
congress, the proposition to abolish war against private 
property and non-combatants upon the ocean. Private 
property of an enemy is protected when on land, from 
seizure and confiscation. Those who do not bear arms 
there are not disturbed in their vocations. Why should 
not the same humane exemptions be extended to the sea ? 
If merchandise in a ware-house on shore remains unmo- 
lested, amidst the ravages of modern war, can any good 
. reason be assigned for allowing the same merchandise, 
v/hen transferred to a ship which is peaceably navigating 
the ocean, to be an object of legitimate capture and con- 
demnation ? If artisans and husbandmen are permitted, 
without hinderance, to pursue their respective callings, why 
should not the not less useful mariners be allowed peace- 
ably to distribute the productions of their industry in ex- 
chanore for the common benefit of mankind ? This has 
been an object which the United States have had much 
at heart, ever since they assumed their place among the 
nations." 

We have room but for one further extract from this un- 
rivalled document. The following are Mr. Clay's senti- 
ments upon the subject of religious toleration : 

" You will avail yourselves of all suitable occasions to 
press upon the ministers of the other American states, the 
propriety of a free toleration of religion, within their re- 
spective limits. The framers of our constitution of go- 



i^O BIOGRAPHY OF 

vernment have not only refrained from incorporating with 
the state any pecuUar form of religious worship, but they 
have introduced an express prohibition upon the power of 
our congress to make any law respecting an establish- 
ment of religion. With us, none are denied the right 
which belongs to all — to worship God according to the 
dictates of their own consciences. In our villaofes and ci- 
ties, at the same hour, often in the same square, and by 
the same kind of summons, congregations of the pious and 
devout, are gathered together in their respective temples, 
and after performing according to their own solemn con- 
victions their religious duties, quietly return and mix to- 
gether in the cheerful fulfilment of their domestick and so- 
cial obligations. Not unfrequently the heads of the same 
family, appertaining to different sects, resort to two differ- 
ent churches, to offer up, in their own chosen way, their 
orisons, each bringing back to the common household 
stock the moral instruction which both have derived from 
their respective pastors. In the United States, we experi- 
ence no inconvenience from the absence of any religious 
establishment, and the universal toleration which happily 
prevails. We believe that none would be felt by other 
nations who should allow equal religious freedom. It 
would be deemed rash to assert that civil liberty arid an 
established church cannot exist together in the same state ; 
but it may be safely affirmed, that history affords no exam- 
ple of their union where the religion of the state has not 
only been established, but exclusive. If any of the Ame- 
rican powers think proper to introduce into their systems 
an established religion, although we should regret such a 
determination, we would have no right to make a formal 
complaint unless it should be exclusive. 

*' As the citizens of any of the American nations have a 
right, whea here, without hinderance, to worship the deit/ 



•i*' 



HENRY CLAY. /fiSl 

according to the dictates of their own consciences, our ci- 
tizens OLig-ht to be allowed the same privilege when, 
prompted b}^ business or inclination, thej visit any of the 
American states. You are accordingly authorized to pro- 
pose a joint declaration, to be subscribed by the ministers 
of all or any of the powers represented, that within their 
limits there shall be free toleration of religious worship. 
And you will also, in any treaty or treaties that you may 
conclude, endeavour to have inserted an article stipulating 
the liberty of religious worship, in the territories of the 
respective parties. When this great interest is placed on 
the basis of such a solemn declaration, and such binding 
treaty stipulations, it will have all reasonable and practi- 
cal security. And this new guaranty will serve to give 
strength to the favourable dispositions of enlightened men 
in the various American states, against the influence of 
bigotry and superstition. The declaration on this sub- 
ject in which you are authorized to unite, as well as that 
directed against European colonization within the terri- 
torial limits of any of the American nations, hereinbefore 
mentioned, does no more than announce, in respect to the 
United States, the existing state of their institutions and 
laws." 



%. 



262 BIOGRAPHY OF 



SECTION THIRD. 

The present administration came into power on the 4th 
of March, 1829. To descant upon its character, as thus 
far developed, is foreign to our present purpose. It is not 
for us to compare the course which it has hitherto pursued, 
with that of the one which preceded it. Posterity wuU 
draw tlie parallel between them. A tribunal impartial and 
unswayed by the temporary excitements of party, or by 
those personal partialities which perish with the genera- 
tion by which they are cherished, will sit in judgment 
upon them. The virtues, which have ennobled our country, 
and the errors and misrule which have disgraced it, will 
stand out in bold relief upon that scroll, where the pen- 
cil of history gathers back the images of the past, in 
their mingled beauty and deformity. And in the picture 
of that scroll, and in the judgment of that tribunal, the 
characters, who have figured in the present administra- 
tion, and in that which preceded it, will be contrasted 
together face to face, like an assembly of apparitions — 
divested of all the factitious importance of temporary 
power; and that stern estimate, which regards only moral 
and intellectual superiority, will be passed upon them with- 
out favour or partiality. It may be easy to anticipate the 
result of that solemn scrutiny. The light of investigation 
will indeed fall upon the noble exertions of enlarged and 
patriotick minds, and on the genero\is sacrifices of high 
hearted individuals for the common weal — but not on them 
alone. It w^ill reveal the rottenness of political corruption. 
It will scatter the thick darkness from the secret places of 



HENRY CLAY. 263 

gnilt, and lay bare the mysteries of iniquity, wherever 
they may be found, whether in the present administration, 
or in that over which it has trodden its unhallowed way to 
power. 

Mr. Adams was an unpopular man — not deservedly so ; 
for no man ever laboured more zealously for the publick 
good — but rather, as a consequence naturally resulting 
from the pecuharity of his temperament. He had few 
personal friends. Isolated and alone, he stood aloof from 
an intimate communion with those around him, without 
checking for a single instant the broad expansion of a 
benevolence, general as the country itself, to concentrate 
its kindly influence upon partial and secondary objects. 
He knew little of the human heart ; and but seldom 
responded to its warm and wild sympathies. The tran- 
quil majesty of his mind was like that of the ocean, 
when its Controller has laid the finger of his silence 
upon every wave. A mild and chastened feeling of ad- 
miration might indeed steal upon the hearts of those 
who contemplated its quiet, yet noble manifestations; but 
for the calling forth of enthusiasm, a wilder and more 
passionate moving of its elements was requisite. It need- 
ed the sublimity of the tempest — the cloud-fire's shock — 
the loud summons of the thunder, and the hoarse murmur 
of the answering waves. 

Such was Mr. Adams in the private affairs of his ad- 
ministration. In publick he was ever the same — calm as 
if impressed with a deep sense of the responsibihty of 
his station, yet firm as the mountain rock in the mainte- 
nance of his favourite and established principles. In the 
midst of persecution and insult — that fiery ordeal through 
which the great minds of our country pass — he pursued 
the even tenor of his way, turning neither to the right 
hand nor to the left ; scrutinizing friend and foe with the 



264 BIOGRAPHY OP 

same impartial severity ; and bestowing the offices in liig 
gift upon those only whom he deemed worthy from their 
talents and integrity, without regarding in the least the 
bias of their political predilections. Consequently, those 
who supported him were actuated by no selfish motives. 
Their confidence and support cannot but be considered as 
the result of honest patriotism — the homage paid, not to 
the executive in personal adulation, but to the great prin- 
ciples which marked the whole course of his administration. 

Yet, with all his talents and all his virtues, the popular 
feeling was against him ; and the prominent characters 
of his administration shared for a time the dark fatality 
of his destiny. To hold communion with the unfortunate 
is always unpopular. To associate with those upon whom 
the shadow of unjust displeasure is resting, is to share, 
partially at least, in their misfortunes. In the case of Mr. 
Clay, however, the temporary eclipse of popularity, which 
resulted from such a connexion, has already passed away. 
With a spirit tall enough to overlook the congregated 
host of his enemies, and with strength enough to rend 
their thickest masses asunder, Henry Clay was not one to 
sink under unmerited abuse. The cloud of detraction 
indeed settled heavily around him,, but, like the veil 
thrown over the blazing shrine of Isis, it was scattered 
and destroyed by a splendour which it could not over- 
shadow. 

On the return of Mr. Clay to the West, he was every 
where hailed with expressions of undiminished affection. 
Many, very many, who had been among his warmest 
admirers, had disapproved of his support of the administra- 
tion of Mr. Adams. But they — the men, who had seen 
him at his fireside, and who had stood by him in the halls 
of legislation — could not, for a passing moment, doubt the 
sincerity of his motives. To them the stale and loathed 



HENRY CLAY. 265 

calumny of bargain and corruption — powerful as its 
effect had been upon the minds of the multitude — was an 
idle tale — a slander beyond the pale of credibility. They 
knew the exceeding worth, the manly virtues, and the 
lofty mtellect of their warm-hearted fellow-citizen. They 
knew too, that he had been wronged — foully and cruelly 
wronged ; — that enfeebled in health and weary in spirit, he 
had returned once more among them to lay bare his 
whole heart to the view of his old constituents, and long- 
tried and affectionate neighbours. They knew how to 
appreciate the outpourings of a polluted press ; and the 
noisy abuse of men, who were presuming to sit in judg- 
ment on the doings of one, in comparison with whom they 
were as mole-hills at the feet of the eternal Andes. 

Hardly had Mr. Clay reached the place of his residence, 
when the electors of his former congressional district 
urged him, almost with one accord, to suffer himself to be 
considered as a candidate for the national legislature. 
Gen. Clarke, the present representative of the district, was 
among those who urged the request, declaring himself 
ready to decline being considered a candidate in the event 
of Mr. Clay's acquiescence. For these marks of unchang- 
ed respect on the part of his old constituents, Mr. Clay 
publicly expressed his gratitude — but declined the propo- 
sal, on the ground of ill health, the deranged situation of 
his private affairs, and a'Vionsciousness, that many of his 
warmest friends in other portions of the country were di- 
vided in their opinions, relative to the expediency of his 
return to congress. For similar reasons, he also declined 
the offer of a seat in the legislature of Kentucky. 

Since Mr. Clay's retirement to private life, he has re- 
ceived frequent and pressing invitations to visit his fellow- 
citizens in different parts of the country, and partake of 
their hospitality. Traduced, as he had been, while exert- 

23 



266 BIOGRAPHY OF 

ing all the energies of his powerful intellect in the ser- 
vice of the publick — charged as he had been of bargain 
and corruption by men high in authority and influence, 
they desired an opportunity publickly to testify their in- 
creased respect for his character, and to renew the assu- 
rance of their confidence in his patriotism, talents, and in- 
corruptibility. He accepted several of these invitations; 
and, at some of the places he visited, took occasion to 
animadvert with a justifiable severity upon the conduct 
of his traducers ; to place the acts of his past life in their 
true light — a light which shows them to have emanated 
from a heart always governed by pure intentions, and ani- 
mated only by a devotion to the dearest interests of his 
country. 

Whatever objections may be made to this method of 
vindicating an assailed reputation, it has had an eifect 
upon the publick mind far beyond the most sanguine anti- 
cipations of Mr. C.'s warmest friends. We are not of the 
number of those who believe, that one who has been an 
officer of government should be callous to assaults upon his 
character. If in the discharge of his duties, his integrity 
has been attacked, if base motives have been imputed to 
his conduct, he owes it to himself, to his family, to his 
friends, and to his country, to come forth and defend 
them. Few men are so elevated at the present day, that 
the shafts of calumny cannot reach them. Even virtue 
herself has no armour of proof against the stabs of that 
fiend like malignity, which, in the case of Mr. Clay, had 
sworn never to allow him repose, until he had gone down 
to that last habitation, where " the wicked cease from trou- 
bling, and the weary are at rest." It is no characteristick 
of an honourable mind, to sit down tamely under the in- 
fliction of wrong. When the quick and sensitive feelings 
gf the heart are touched by the rude and ungloved hand of 



HENRY CLAY. 267 

malevolence — when a reputation, built up by years of in- 
tellectual toil, is crumbling away beneath the influence of 
misguided prejudice, defence, open and manly defence, be- 
comes a solemn and an imperative duty. Silence in such a 
case must be the result of conscious iniquity, or the apathy of 
despair. Mr. Clay has made his defence ; and the charge 
of bargain and corruption has settled like a fiery curse, 
upon the hearts of those who invented it. 

In May, 1829, the citizens of Lexington testified their 
respect for the talents, and gratitude for the services of 
Mr. Clay, by a splendid public dinner, which was given 
him at Fowler's Garden. An immense concourse assem- 
bled. A toast, highly complimentary to the "distinguish- 
ed guest, friend, and neighbour, Henry Clay," was re- 
ceived with enthusiastick acclamation. As the long and 
joud murmurs of applause died away on the verge of the 
gathered multitude, Mr. Clay arose, and, in a speech of 
nearly two hours in length, commanded the undivided 
attention of the vast and gratified audience. It was a 
noble effort. The sternest hearts melted at the pathos 
of its exordium — the clearest intellect bowed down to the 
over-inastering presence of its argumentative power — 
and to the solemn truth and touching effect of its perora- 
tion, every countenance bore witness. 

Mr. Clay entered at length into an exposition of his 
views of the administration of a republican government. 
After a courteous allusion to the new administration ; and 
declaring himself ready to support it, so far as was con- 
sistent with his duty, he remarked : " Government is a 
trust, and the officers of government are trustees; and 
both the trust and the trustees are created for the bencfil 
of the people. Official incumbents are bound, therefore, 
to administer the trust, not for their own individual bene- 
fit — ^but so as to promote the prosperity of the people, 



26S BIOGRAPHY OF 

This is the vital principle of a republick. If a different 
principle prevail, and a government be so administered as 
to gratify the passions, or promote the interest of a parti- 
cular individual, the forms of free institutions maj^ remain, 
but that government is essentially a monarchy. The 
great diiference between a monarchy and republick, is, that 
in a republick all power and authority, and all publick offices 
and honours, emanate from the people, and are held and 
exercised for the benefit of the people. In a monarchy, 
all power and authority, all offices and honours, proceed 
from the monarch. His interests, his caprices, and his 
passions, influence and control the destinies of the king- 
dom. In a republick the people are every thing, and a par- 
ticular individual nothing. In a monarch}', the monarch 
is every thing, and the people nothing. And the true 
character of the government is stamped, not by the forms 
of the appointment to office alone, but by its practical 
operation. If, in one nominally free, the chief magistrate, 
as soon as he is clothed with power, proceeds to exercise 
it so as to minister to his passions, and to gratify his fa- 
vourites; and systematically distributes his rewards and 
punishments, in the application of the power of patronage, 
with which he is invested for the good of the whole, upon 
the principle of devotion and attachment to him, and not 
according to the ability and fidelity with -which the peo- 
ple are, or may be served: — that chief magistrate, for the 
time being, and within the scope of his authority, is in fact, 
if not in form, a monarch." 

The conclusion of this address is in Mr. Clay's hap- 
piest manner — a mingling of the pathetick w'ith the beau- 
tiful. He stood before sires far advanced in j^ears — en: 
deared to him by an interchange of friendly office and 
eympathetick feeling, beginning more than thirty years 
ago ; and before their sons, grown up during his absence 



HENRY CLAY. 269 

in the publick councils. It is easy to imagine the powerful 
effect of such an appeal upon such an audience ; for it 
was the language of truth — of wronged and insulted vir- 
tue — an appeal to the reason as well as to the hearts of 
those who heard it. 

" And now, my friends and fellow-citizens," said Mr. 
Clay, " I cannot part from j'ou on possibly this last 
occasion of my addressing you, without reiterating the 
expression of ray thanks from a heart overflowing with 
gratitude. I came among you, now more than thirty 
years ago, an orphan boy, penniless, a stranger to you 
all, without friends, without the favour of the great. You 
took me up, cherished me, caressed me, protected me, ho- 
noured me. You have constantlj^ poured upon me a bold 
and unabated stream of innumerable favours. Time, which 
wears out every thing, has increased and strengthened 
your affection for me. When I seemed deserted by almost 
the whole world, and assailed by almost every tongue and 
pen and press, you have fearlessly and manfully stood 
by me, with unsurpassed zeal and undiminished friend- 
ship. When I felt as if I should sink beneath the storm 
of abuse and detraction, which was violentlj^ raging 
around me, I found mj'self upheld and sustained by your 
encouraging voices, and your approving smiles. I have 
doubtless committed many errors and indiscretions, over 
which you have thrown the broad mantle of yom charitj'. 
But I can say, and in the presence of my God and of 
this assembled multitude I will say, that I have honestly 
and faithfully served my country ; that I have never 
wronged it ; and that, however unprepared I lament that 
I am to appear in the Divine presence on other accounts, 
I invoke the stern justice of His judgement on my publick 
conduct, without the smallest apprehension of His dis- 
pleasure." 
^ 23* 



270 BIOGRAPHY OF 

At other places which Mr. Clay visited, in the prosecu- 
tion of his business as a lawyer, or in the interchange of 
the kind offices of relationship, during the seasons of 1829 
and 1830, he expressed his sentiments freely, in reference 
to those great measures of national policy which he had 
so long and steadily advocated. Nor did he at the same 
time conceal his disapprobation of the course pursued by 
the administration in power. 

There is a kind of selfish prudence, of timorous expe- 
diency, in which many find an apology for withholding 
their real sentiments upon the most important subjects. 
Even when the dearest interests of the publick are at stake 
— when political corruption, like the poison breath of the 
Samiel, is sweeping around them, and blasting the fairest 
blossoms of libeity, instead of going forth like the prophet 
of old between the dead and the living, to stay the progress 
of the contagion, they intrench themselves behind this 
doubtful expediency, and closing their eyes and their ears, 
talk calmly of neutrality. With such, Mr. Clay has no 
fellowship of feeling. Whatever his sentiments may be, 
he casts them freely before the publick, in the unhesitating 
frankness of conscious integrity. Subtle policy intrigue, 
and double dealing, are no elements of his repubfican 
character. Differing broadly as he does from the adminis- 
tration of Gen. Jackson — to conceal that difference — to 
affect friendship where his better feelings would scorn and 
loathe it, would be a manifest departure from the uniform 
sincerity of his life. To Gen. Jackson he has always 
done justice. On no occasion lias he sought to tarnish 
one leaf of the green chaplet, which he had himself aided 
in binding upon the brows of the gray-haired chieftain. 
But he has never yielded to the madness of military en- 
thusiasm. In Gen. Jackson, as President of the United 
States, he finds much to condemn. He believes the ark 



HENRY CLAY. 271 

of our political safety to be endangered while in the keep- 
ing- of one who has so often touched it with an unholy 
hand. 

We sincerely regret the necessity of an allusion of this 
nature to the administration of Gen. Jackson. But, identi- 
fied, as Mr. Cla/s latter history is, with the rise and pro- 
gress of that administration, any attempt on our part to 
avoid such an allusion, would be justly considered as over 
scrupulous — a manifest departure from the plain path of 
our duty. It is our province to state facts, without regard 
to the probable comments which they may call forth. 

In March, 1830, Mr. Clay, on his return from New 
Orleans, to which place his private affairs had called him, 
received a pressing invitation from the citizens of Natchez, 
Miss., to partake of a publick dinner. The invitation 
being accepted, the city was crowded with an immense 
concourse of visiters from all the adjacent countrj^ It 
was no partizan gathering. The warmest political oppo- 
nents sat down, face to face with each other, united in one 
subject at least — the desire to do honour to their distin- 
guished guest — to one, whose patriotick motives none of 
them could doubt, however much they might differ from 
his principles. 

Mr. Clay made some remarks on this occasion, in his 
usual eloquent and engaging manner. He was inter- 
rupted more than once by the deep, involuntary murmurs 
of applause which burst forth around him. Every word 
which he uttered went down and rested upon the hearts 
of his auditors, hke the kind tones of some blessed visi- 
tant. A gentleman who was present, has given us an 
animated description of the scene, a part of which we 
have transcribed. 

" It was a proud moment for Henry Clay. The dark 
elements of faction sank down into quietude before him 



272 BIOGRAPHY OF 

Men who had been arrayed for years in political conten- 
tion, who had hitherto met each other with the clenched 
lip and knitted brow of hatred, gave back on this occasion 
the smiles of one another. 

" Mr. Clay commenced by an acknowledgement of his 
gratitude for the honours bestowed upon him. ' There is 
nothing in life/ said he, ' half so delightful to the heart, 
as to know, that, notwithstanding the conflicts which 
arise among men — the whirlwind and madness of party 
feeling — there yet are times, as on the present occasion, 
when passion and prejudice slumber — moments, when old 
differences cease from troubling; and w^hen all that is 
turbulent, as all that is distrustful, are sacrificed to the 
generous and social dictates of humanity.' 

" He spoke of Gen. Jackson. He spoke of his great 
battle. Darkly as he had been traduced, deeply as he had 
been injured by that man, he yet hesitated not to bestow 
upon him his full measure of patriotick encomium. His 
feelings rose with the subject. His eye kindled. There 
w^as a moral grandeur in his look ; and all who saw it felt 
that it was the visible manifestation of the triumph of his 
nobler feelings over the dark sense of wrong. 

'' At that moment I would have given my right hand 
to have seen Gen. Jackson confronted before his magnani- 
mous opponent — face to face, with the man, whom he 
had so foully injured. Had he been there — under the eye 
of that noble hearted-speaker — every word of commenda- 
tion, every generous acknowledgement of his services, 
would have fallen upon his head like a rain of fire. 

" The applause which, ever and anon, broke in upon his 
address, was unafl^ected and spontaneous. It was the over- 
flow of enthusiastick feeling. Nor was it poured forth 
without an adequate cause. 



HENRY CLAY. 273 

* His words had such a melting flow, 

And spoke the truth so sweetly well, 
They dropped Uke heaven's serenest snow, 
And all was brightness where they fell.' " 

In July, Mr. Clay was called to Columbus, Ohio, in the 
discharge of his professional duties. Although travelling 
as a private citizen — a plain republican lawyer — he was 
€very where received with marks of attention, and enthu- 
siastick regard. In every town which he visited, the 
citizens gathered around him ; and wherever he turned, a 
hundred hands were extended to clasp his own. Publick 
feeling flowed after him as the tides of ocean follow the 
moving moon. 

At a collation given by the citizens of Cincinnati, during 
this journey, Mr. Clay remarked, at length, upon the sub- 
ject of internal improvements, as connected with the veto 
of Gen. Jackson to bills passed by Congress in accordance 
with its views of the system, and the settled polic}^ of the 
nation. He maintained the constitutional right of Con- 
gress to countenance, and co-operate with, such works, as 
m its estimation are of manifest national importance. He 
also dwelt upon the tariff — its principles and its practical 
effects. His concluding remarks were truly eloquent. 
'Why,' he demanded, 'were the fires of unabated persecu- 
tion kindled around him ? Why was the artillery of the 
press incessantly levelled upon him ? What had he done ? 
The history of his past life was before the people. If he had 
erred in any of his endeavours to subserve the best interests 
of the publick, he regretted it. His conscience at least 
did not reproach him. And what was he daing to draw 
down upon him the maledictions of his countrymen ? He 
was a private citizen. He could exercise authority over 
none; nor had he any engine of governmental patronage 



274 BIOGRAPHY OF 

to pervert, and make subservient to purposes of personal 
ag-grandizement.' 

In December, 1829, Mr. Clay delivered an address before 
the Kentucky Colonization Society. It is a strong, elo- 
quent, and conclusive argument, ifi support of the objects 
and principles of the society. Slavery, in the abstract, 
Mr. Clay views with unmingled abhorrence. He justly 
considers it a monster of evil — a deadly vampyre draining 
away the life blood of the republick. But he is not one 
to abuse that portion of his countrymen upon whom the 
misfortune has fallen. Believing, as he does, that the 
present generation are not responsible for its existence, he 
would rather afford the slave-holder his sympathy, than 
censure him for the existence of an acknowledged evil, 
which he has no means of avertins^. 

In common with the society of which Mr. Clay is a 
prominent supporter, he would mildly and cautiously ap- 
proach the perilous volcano of slavery. He would endea- 
vour to obviate its dangers by turning stream after stream 
of philanthropy upon its burning bosom, quenching by 
slow degrees its destructive element ; not by madly tearing 
open the crater of its prison-house, and overwhelming the 
whole land with one fiery visitation. 

In the address before the Colonization Society, Mr. Clay 
developed with a clear and definite understanding of his 
subject, the immense evils resulting from the existence of 
slavery. He portrayed in vivid colours the sufferings, the 
mental and bodily degradation, of the slave. He spoke of 
tlie dangers to be apprehended from an insurrection of the 
blacks, when, in every abiding place of slavery there were 
fierce hearts brooding over the accumulated wrongs of 
years, and dark hands ready to grasp the fire-brand and 
the dagger. He took a view of the operations of the 
Colonization Society from its commencement, and dwelt 



HENRY CLAY. 275 

vith pleasure upon the success which had attended its 
efforts to estabhsh a colony of free blacks in the land of 
their forefathers — to introduce the blessings of civihzation 
into the wilds of Africa, and light up as with a new sun, 
the darkened moral atmosphere of that ill fated continent. 
We cannot forbear to make an extract of this portion of 
the address. 

"Let us not be disheartened by the little which has been 
accomplished in the brief space of thirteen years, or by 
the magnitude and difficulties of the splendid undertak- 
ing. In the execution of vast schemes which affect the 
happiness and the condition of a large portion of the habi- 
table globe, time is necessary, which, in the estimation of 
mortals, may appear of long duration, but which, in the 
eyes of Providence, or in the computation of the periods 
of national existence, is short and fleeting. How long 
was it after Romulus and Remus laid the scanty founda- 
tions of their little state, within the contracted limits of 
the peninsula of Italy, before imperial Rome burst forth in 
all its astonishing splendour — the acknowledged mistress 
of the world ! Ages rolled away before Carthage, and other 
colonies of the olden time, shone out in all their com- 
mercial and military glory. Centuries have elapsed since 
oar forefathers in the morasses of James river, and on the 
ro€k of Plymouth, began the work of founding this rc- 
publick, yet in its infancy. Eighteen hundred years have 
rolled away since the awful sacrifice of our blessed re- 
deemer upon the Mount of Calvary, and more than half 
mankind continue to deny his mission and his word ! 

" We may boldly challenge the annals of human nature 
for the record of any human plan for the melioration of 
the condition or the advancement of our race, which pro 
mises more unmixed good in comprehensive benevolence, 
than that of the Colonization Society, if carried into full 



276 BIOGRAPHY OP 

operation. Its benevolent purposes are not confined to the 
limits of one continent — not to the prosperity of a solitary 
race. They embrace the two largest portions of the earth, 
-with the peace and happiness of both descriptions of their 
present inhabitants, and the countless millions of then* 
posterity. The colonists, reared in the bosom of this re- 
publick, with a knowledge of the blessings which liberty 
imparts, although now unable to share them, will carry 
a recollection of them to benighted Africa, and light up, 
m time, her immense territory. And may we not indulge 
the hope, that, in a period of time, not surpassing in 
duration that of our own colonial and national existence, 
we shall behold a confederation of republican states, on 
the western shores of Africa, with their congress and their 
annual legislatures, thundering forth in behalf of the 
rights of man, and causing tyrants to tremble on their j 
thrones?" 

The conclusion of the address is full of rich and splen- 
did imagery, and of pure and exalted feeling. It is a f 
specimen of the copiousness and magnificence of its au 
thor's flow of thought. 

"Almost all Africa is in a state of the darkest igno- 
rance and barbarism, addicted alike to idolatry and su- 
perstition, and destitute of the blessings of Christianity and 
civilization. The American Colonization Society is an 
instrument, which, under the guidance of Providence, is 
competent, with publick assistance, to spread the light of 
both throughout its vast dominions, and the means are 
as simple, as the end is grand and magnificent. It will 
employ as agents some of the very brethren of the heathen 
sought to be converted, and brought within the pale of 
civilization. The Colonization Society proposes to send 
not one or two pious members of Christianity into a foreign 
land, among a different, and, perhaps, a suspicious race of 



HENRY CLAY. 277 

another complexion ; — but, to transport annually, for an 
indefinite number of years, thousands of efficient missiona- 
ries, of the descendants of Africa itself, with the same 
interests, sympathies, and constitutions of the natives, to 
com.municate the benefits of our holy religion, and of the 
arts of civilization. And this colony of missionaries is to 
operate not alone by preaching the words of truth and 
revelation, which, however delightful to the ears of the 
faithful and intelligent, are not always comprehended by 
untutored savages, but also by works of occular demon- 
stration. It will open the great forests — it will build up 
cities — erect temples for Christian worship; and thus prac- 
tically exhibit to the native sons of Africa, the beautiful 
moral spectacle, and the superiour advantages of our reli- 
gious and social systems. In this unexaggeratcd view of 
ihe subject, the African colonj^, compared with other mis- 
sionary plans, presents the force and grandeur of the noble 
steamer, majestically ascending, and with ease subduing, 
the current of the Mississippi, in comparison with the feeble 
and tottering canoe, moving slowly among the reeds which 
fringe its shores. It holds up the image of the resistless 
power of the Mississippi itself, rushing down from the sum- 
mits of the Rocky Mountains, and marking its deep and 
broad and rapid course, through the heart of this conti- 
nent, thousands of miles, to ihe Gulf of Mexico, in com- 
parison with that of an obscure rivulet, winding its undis- 
cernible way through dark and dense forests or luxuriant 
prairies, where it is quickly and forever lost. 

" Confiding in the approving judgement of Divine Provi- 
dence, and conscious of the benevolence and purity of our 
intentions, we may fearlessly advance in our great work. 
And when we shall, as soon we must, be translated from 
this into another existence, is the hope presumptuous, that 
we shall then behold the common Father of the white 

24 



278 BIOGRAPHY OF 

and the black — the Ruler of the universe, cast His all-see- 
ing eye upon civilized and regenerated Africa — its culti- 
vated fields — its coasts studded with numerous cities, and 
adorned with temples dedicated to the religion of His re- 
deeming Son — its far-famed Niger and all its great rivers, 
lined with flourishing villages, and navigated by that 
wonderful power which American genius first applied ; — 
and that, after dwelling with satisfaction upon the glori- 
ous spectacle, he will deign to look with approbation upon 
us. His humble instruments, who have contributed to pro- 
duce it." 

It is worthy of regard, that the philanthropick views 
and feelings of Mr. Clay, broadly as they extend, and 
warmly as they are cherished, are yet tempered by sound 
judgement and correct ideas of expediency. We have 
already seen how resolutely he maintained the cause of 
his country in the stormy discussions of the Missouri ques- 
tion, at a time when the elements of our federal union 
were shaken almost to separation. Although opposed to 
slavery in all its forms, he saw, in that hour of contention, 
the absolute necessity of a surrender of his individual 
opinions, as a sacrifice upon the altar of patriotism. That 
surrender was made, and the union was preserved. 

We have now reached that point, beyond which our 
vision cannot penetrate. We have briefly and imperfectly 
detailed the leading incidents in the life of Mr. Clay, down 
to the present period. We are fully sensible that we have 
not done justice to the subject. Linked, as Mr. Clay's 
services are, in undying association with the great deeds 
and giant enterprises which, for a long series of years, 
have elevated us in the view of other nations, and strength- 
ened with new energies our moral and physical power, 
the task of their correct and thorough development be- 
longs only to the future chronicler of our country's political 



HENRY CLAY. 279 

history. Never, perhaps, was the history of an untitled 
citizen more completely identified with that of his country. 
It has been written in our treaties — It has been thundered 
aloud upon a score of battle-fields, and where the silence 
of the great deep has been broken by the hot breath of our 
cannon — It has been heard by the republicks of the South 
in our solemn recognition of their freedom — It has been 
inscribed in enduring characters upon the whole surface of 
our immense territory, in the newly opened canal, and the 
crowded thoroughfare — in the triumph of human intellect 
over the prohibitions of nature — It has been seen and felt 
in the operations of that system, which has enabled our 
country to rely on its own vast resources — to substitute 
the plain but ample garb of independence for the borrowed 
and tawdry trappings of Europe ; and which has called 
up, as by the wand of enchantment, the lively village, 
and the flourishing manufactory, upon half our mountain 
streams. 

In the foregoing pages we have attempted no eulogium 
of Mr. Clay. ' Our commendatory remarks have been only 
such as have naturally resulted from a contemplation of 
his important publick services. These services are, in 
themselves, his best eulogium ; and we have simply en- 
deavoured to place them before the American people, in 
their just and true light — in that light in which they must 
be regarded by all posterity, and by the candid and im- 
partial of the present day. 




\ 



260 BIOGRAPHY OF 



I 



CONCLUSION. 



The person of Mr. Clay exhibits a perfect combina- 
tion of suavity, dignity, and power. He is tall and some- 
what slender, and his carriage and deportment are manly 
and prepossessing. His mouth is large, but bland and 
energetick in its expression. His forehead is high and 
broad. The contour of his head is remarkablj'- fine. A 
disciple of the school of Gall and Spurzheim would find 
much to admire in its ample development of all those 
organs of the brain, which, in the estimation of the phre- 
nologist, are the unfailing indications of superiour intellect. 
In his ordinary intercourse with society, and while engaged 
in common conversation, the lively frankness and open be- 
nevolence of his feelings are portrayed in his countenance. 
In debate — in the warm and fierce conflict of mind — his 
features sympathize with the varying emotions of his 
heart. His keen eye kindles into new brightness from the 
irrepressible fire within him ; and his whole coimtenance 
discovers like a mirror the transit of the star-like thoughts, 
which beam upon lips touched with the living coal of 
eloquence. 

As an orator, Mr. Clay ranks high — higher, perhaps, 
than any other individual in the United States. His re- 
ported speeches discover a mind more logical than imagi- 
native. Yet they are alive with feeling— so much so, that, 
in many instances, the patient searching out of old authori- 
ties, dnd the slow and cautious development of opinion^ 
seem to have been incompatible with the ardour of his 



HENRY CLAY. 281 

temperament. Wlien he believed the honour and pros- 
perity of the country at stake — when, to his view, the 
torch of the incendiary was flashing with unholy light at 
the very threshold of Liberty — he passed by every minor 
consideration, every tedious preliminary, and grappled at 
once with the important subject before him. Yet, in the 
debates on the Tariff and Internal Improvement, his array 
of facts and concentrated arguments, massy and united, 
i resembles the strong linkings of a chain of iron. 

His talents are always at command. He is never thrown 
off his guard when engaged in an intellectual struggle ; 
but, in whatever manner the question for discussion may 
be presented, he scrutinizes its features at a glance, dis- 
covers its weak or its defensible points, and directs his own 
operations accordingly. Once engaged in his subject, he 
finds no obstacle of sufficient power to oppose the onward 
and irresistible flow of his argument. Everj'- thing is 
borne away before it. His reported speeches are but the 
skeletons of their masterly originals. In comparison with 
their first manifestations, they are like deserted temples, 
after the glories of their mystical worship have departed, 
or like dull gray clouds, after the illumination of the light- 

I~ ning has passed away forever. The gems which are borne 
upward by the hurrying wave of his eloquence are never 
seen but once. They dazzle in the pecufiar and immediate 
light which hovers around his subject ; and having per- 
formed their office of illustration, are forgotten even by 
the mind which conceived them. 

His style is peculiarly happy. It has the freshness and 
originality of the heart, and its effect has always been 
powerfully felt. In general, it may be likened to the cur- 
rent of some majestick river, moving calmly onward to the 
ocean, and gathering in its bosom the starlight and quiet 

sunshine. But, in the moments of strong excitement, when 

I 24* 



282 BIOGRAPHY OF 

mind wrestles with mind for the mastery, it assumes a 
bolder and more startUng character. It is the sudden rush 
of the cataract — the ''jet from the Geyser when the spring 
is in full play." It has no false glitter — no ostentation — 
no fanciful and unprofitable display of imagery. When- 
ever it leaves the deep, bold track of logical accuracy, and 
rises to the lighter elements of the imagination, it is feeling 
alone which bears it upward — the poetry of passion. 

His voice is deep, full-toned, and commanding. It has 
the almost magical power of controlling the feelings of 
those who listen to its varying cadences and exquisite modu- 
lations. The hearts of his auditors are moved in harmony 
with its melting pathos or its stirring energy, as the ani- 
mate and inanimate things of nature moved to the harp of 
Orpheus. His action in speaking is uniformly appropriate 
and graceful. His every gesture has its manifest meaning ; 
and every change of his countenance its corresponding 
effect upon the audience. 

The character of Mr. Clay's mind is not easily analyzed, 
His powers are so numerous — so varied and yet so harmo- 
nious — so rich and lofty, and yet so readily called forth, 
that their comparison with those of the statesmen and 
orators of the present day could only present them in the 
light of contrast. It is not alone in the eloquent period, 
or in the stately flow of a diction rich with the jewelry of 
thought, that Mr. Clay^s mental superiority is discovered. 
The bold and vehement leader of debate, when emraored 
in the councils of the nation, or in the difficult intricacies 
of foreign negotiation, has uniformly manifested all the 
wisdom, foresight, and accurac}^, which characterize the 
perfect and accomplished statesman. Unlike Anteus of 
old, his intellect is not limited to one sphere of action. It 
can wrestle upon earth, or soar upward to the eagle's home 
of storms. 



HENRY CLAY. 



283 



Much as Mr. Clay undoubtedly owes to the endowments 
of natural genius, he may be said to have built up his own 
reputation. Slowly, and with almost miparalleled exer- 
tion, he has reared the temple of his greatness. Genius, 
whatever it may have been called, or whatever it may be, 
is useful and glorious only in those who, like Mr. Clay, 
have been able to tame down its waywardness, and direct 
its energies upon noble objects. There may be, at times, 
a phenomenon of mind, which bursts forth at once in the 
full possession of power, like Pallas from the brow of the 
infidel deity. It may flash out like a comet in the starry 
heaven of intellect, dazzling and flaming for a moment, 
but it will leave no traces of its path— no gems of Hght 
and knowledge in the horizon over which it has hurried. 

In private life, Mr. Clay has all the characteristicks of 
the gentleman. No man, perhaps, is better calculated to 
secure respect and warm personal friendship. Tlie diffi- . 
culties which interfered with his early career, and through 
which he has forced his way, even as the strong fountain 
springs upward from the bosom of the earth to the free air 
and Sunshine, together with his grateful remembrance of 
individual kindness, have left a deep and abiding impres- 
sion upon his character, and given it a strong bias towards 
benevolence. Liberal to a fault, his door and his purse 
are alike open to the friendless stranger and the unfortu- 
nate neighbour. Frank, open, and above the meanness of 
deception himself, and, consequently, never searchmg for 
duplicity and treachery in those around him, he has more 
than once sufl-ered from the vile ingratitude of men, who 
have been cherished by his bounty, and upheld by his m- 

fluence. 

The curse of aristocracy has never chilled the warm 
flow of his natural feelings. His heart is as warm— his 
hand is as free, and his smile as familiar, as they were 
thirty years ago, when, without friends and without m- 



284 BIOGRAPHY OF EENRY CLAY. 

fluence, he first responded to the hearty welcome of the 
Kentuckian. His feeUngs have not changed with his 
fortunes. He has nothing of that haughty and over-bearing 
spirit, which would check in its outset the ambition of 
others, and gesture back the youthful aspirant with the 
frown of hate, or the sneer of derision. To the labouring 
classes of the community he has ever been a fast and effi- 
cient friend. In publick he has advocated their cause, with 
an effect which has been felt in every workshop through- 
out the land ; and in private he has alwaj's been gratified 
to clasp in cordial fellowship the hands of those who are 
our support in peace, and our defence in war. 

That he has manifested an undue ardour of tempera- 
ment in many instances, and that his confidence has been 
often injudiciously bestowed, we have no disposition to 
deny. These are the errours of a noble nature, and their 
evil consequences have been felt by himself alone. They 
have never mingled with the duties of his publick life, nor 
dimmed for a moment the glory of his reputation as a 
statesman and patriot. 

For the attainment of his present attitude before the 
Amei-ican people, Mr. Clay has resorted to no secret man- 
agement — no low party intrigue. He has circulated none 
of that poison, visible only in its baleful effects, which 
modern demagogues have been pouring into the veins of 
the body politick. Manly and sincere of heart, he has 
never turned from the strong light of investigation. His 
every act — his every sentiment — has been laid open to 
publick scrutiny. And we are free to say, that the closer 
that scrutiny shall be made, the more glorious will his 
services appear, and darker and deeper wUl be the cont- 
demnation of his enemies. 



APPENDIX. 



Note 1. 

Letter from Mr. Clay to Mr. Russell, 

Lexington, 9th July, 1822. 

" My dear Sir — Your letter of the 6th ultimo arrived 
whilst I was absent from home, at one of the watering 
places, and hence the delay of my answer. I had read 
the communication of the president to congress of your 
letters, and Mr. Adams' remarks ; and I must frankly say 
to you, that the variations between your two letters has 
given, in the publick judgement, a great advantage to Mr. 
Adams, at lecxst for the moment ; and that, unless satisfac- 
torily explained, it will do yon a lasting prejudice. I saw 
it with very deep regret, and shall anxiously look for an 
explanation. 

" On many of the circumstances stated in your letter, 
my memory accords with yours — on one or two only it 
does not. I recollect distinctly that the paragraph offered 
by me, and inserted in your despatch to the British com- 
missioners, of the 10th November, terminated, at that time, 
the discussions respecting the navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, and the privilege concerning the fisheries within the 
British jurisdiction. It was prior to the adoption of that 
paragraph that it had been proposed, I think, by Mr. Gal- 
latin, to grant the one for the other, that the discussion, 
which was long, earnest, animated, often renewed, had 
taken place ; that a majority, consisting of Messrs. Gal- 
latin, Adams, and Bayard, appeared to be in favour of it; 
and that I had declared that I would sign no treatj^ in 



286 APPENDIX. 

which such a stipulation should be included. After this 
declaration, Mr. Bayard came over to us, and made us the 
majority. It was then necessary that we should, as we 
were about to send in to the British commissioners the pro- 
ject of a treaty of peace, give some written answer to their 
notification of the 8th of August, concerning the fisheries. 
We were forbidden, by our instructions, to suffer our right 
to the fisheries to be brought into discussion. The majo- 
rity had now determined not to offer for the renewal of our 
right, the navigation of the Mississippi. We had, in short, 
no equivalent to offer. We had, therefore, no other ground 
to take, than that which the above paragraph ensures. 
Whether solid or not, it was the best we could occupy, and 
had the advantage of being in conformity to our instruc- 
tions. 

" After the British commissioners returned our project, 
with an alteration proposing the renewal to them of the 
right to navigate the Mississippi, I think the same question, 
though in a form somewhat different, came up in our com- 
mission. We received their note, with their proposed altera- 
tions and suggestions, on the 27th of November. We had a 
conference with them on the first of December. I think 
it must have been between those two days that the ques- 
tion was again considered. You and I, (such, at least, is 
my recollection,) proposed to strike out that part of the 
British alteration of the 8th article, which had, for its ob- 
ject, the renewal of their right to navigate the Mississippi ; 
but the same majority that was at first in favour of making 
the offer of the navigation of that river, was now willing 
to accept the British proposal, upon the condition of their 
renewing to us the fishing liberty within their jurisdiction. 
The article proposed at the conference, on the first of De- 
cember, expressed the sense of the majority. My determi- 
nation, on this subject, had been deliberately formed, and 



APPENDIX. 2S7 

communicated frankly to my colleagues. I did not pro- 
bably repeat the communication of my resolution, because 
it would have worn the appearance of menace. 1 have 
t| some recollection of Mr. Bayard, on our return from the 
conference of the first of December, having expressed his 
dissatisfaction with something which Mr. G. * * * said 
or did at the conference ; but what it was I do not re- 
collect. I cannot think it possible that we should have 
gone into that conference without being prepared to 
say something to the British commissioners on the subject 
of the navigation of the Mississippi ; and my recollection 
is very strong that the above majority was in favour of ac- 
cepting their proposal, with the condition that I have men- 
tioned. I regret that I cannot put my. hands upon your 
letter from Stockholm, mentioned in your last. 

" Nothing can be more unfounded than Mr. Adams' in- 
ference, (if he intended to draw an inference,) of our as- 
sent to the doctrine of the imperishable character, in all 
respects, of the treaty of 1783, and to the proposal in re- 
gard to the navigation of the Mississippi, from the fact of 
our signature to the communication respecting those sub- 
jects, to the British commissioners, and that of our being 
present at the conference of the 1st of December. 

"1. As to the durable character of the treaty, I think 
all of us, (except Mr. Adams,) concurrent in believing that 
the provisions respecting the fishing grants, within the Bri- 
tish exclusive jurisdiction^ and the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi, expired on the breaking out of the war. Why 
he calls it the American doctrine, I do not know. If it 
be true, it is the doctrine of the publick law. If he means 
to say that it is American because we were most interested 
in maintaining it, he is mistaken. If the superiority of 
interest should determine the national character of the 
doctrine, it ought to be called British. Then why did we 



288 APPENDIX. 

take the ground which we did, in our note of the 10th of 
November 1 For the reason already assigned. It was 
the best we could occupy. It was plausible, and might 
serve, as probably it subsequently did serve, to enable us 
to make some satisfactory arrangement with Great Britain 
in regard to the fisheries. We were bound to say some- 
thing, or acknowledge, by our silence, the principle as- 
serted by the British commissioners, on the 8th of August. 
By taking the ground which we did, if it were not abso- 
lutely tenable, we were better off than to have stood mute. 
" 2. As to the navigation of the Mississippi, that the offer 
of it was the work of a majority, in which we did not parti- 
cipate, cannot be denied. What puts this matter conclusively 
at rest is, the despatch signed by all the American com- 
missioners to the secretary of state, under date of the 25th of 
December, accompanying the treaty, in which it is stated : 
* To place both points [i. e. the navigation and the fisheries] 
beyond all future controversy, a 'majority o( us determined 
to offer to admit an article confirming both rights.' You 
will no doubt recollect, that I su2rcrested, when we went 
to sign that despatch, the insertion of the words ' a ma- 
jority;' and my purpose for doing it was not mistaken. 
Why did we sign the communication to the British com- 
missioners of the 14th December; and why were we pre- 
sent at the conference of the first, without objecting to that 
article ? If we had failed to subscribe that communica- 
tion, or if we had objected to the article at the conference, 
it would have, in effect, notified to the British commission- 
ers a serious division amongst us, than which, nothing 
could have been more unfortunate. Our signatures nor 
our presence no more proved our assent to the article, than 
the signature of an arbitrator to an award proves his as- 
sent to it when it was carried by the majority against his 
opinion, or an assent by a member of an aggregate body 



APPENDIX. 289 

to all the transactions of that body which happened during 
his presence ; all that it was material to the British com- 
missioners to prove was, that the offer was the act of the 
American commissioners, which it would equally have 
been, whether carried unanimously, by a majority of four, 
or a majority of three. How it was carried, (that is, by 
what majority,) it was unnecessary for them to know, but 
might to us have been highly injurious. But it was ma- 
terial that our own government, to which we were re- 
sponsible, should know how we did act ; and according- 
ly, w^hen we came to address it, we informed it that it 
was the affair of the majority, &:c. 

" It was the less necessary for us to disclose the fatal se- 
cret of our divisions to the enemy, because the proposition 
might be rejected, mig?it be modified during the negotiation, 
so as ultimately to be acceptable, or less objectionable to 
us, or finally might be withdrawn. It was withdrawn ; 
and, thereby, that was ultimately done, which we at first 
proposed, and a clear demonstration was given of the in- 
discretion which would have characterized a gratuitous dis- 
closure of the divisions among the American commissioners. 

'' When I spoke to you at Washington, of our instruc- 
tions being opposed to the article in question, I alluded 
more particularly to that part of them which related to 
the fisheries, our right to which we were forbidden to dis- 
cuss, &c. 

" The authority to treat on the basis of the status ante 
bellum, which we did not receive until two or three weeks 
after the discussion in our board, which, as before mention- 
ed, was closed by the paragraph in our despatch of the 
10th of November, did not authorize us to propose the ar- 
ticle which we did, concerning the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi, if, as I think, that article in effect would have 
^amounted to a grant of the navigation, in the whole extent 

25 



I 



290 APPENDIX. 

of the river, from the source to the Balize. For what was 
the status ante bellum of that subject 1 The subjects of 
Great Britam had no right, either by the treaty of 1783 or 
by that of 1794, to navigate that river within the Spanish 
jurisdiction; and the sovereign rights of Spain over that 
river, were not vested in us until the conclusion of the 
treaty of Louisiana in 1803. It has been said, that during 
thirty years no use was made by British subjects of that 
river. During a great part of the same thirty years, (until 
the year 1795,) no use, for purposes of commerce, was 
made of it by the citizens of the United States; and for 
the same reason in both instances, that is, that Spain held 
both sides of it, from the mouth to the 31st degree of north 
latitude, and the west side up to its source. 

" Nothing would be more painful to me than to be drawn, 
even remotely, into the unhappy controversy between Mr 
Adams and yourself — a controversy in which the party 
the most successful, will be the loser in the publick esti- 
mation. I certainly thought that the publick ought to 
have been put in possession of the whole of the official' 
transactions of the mission of Ghent, not knowing myself 
of any sufficient reason for withholding any part of them. 
But I do not think that any private letters ought to have; 
been communicated by the president. Far from stimula- 
ting, as I think he did, perhaps unintentionally, a call up-" 
on him for your letter along with I\Ir. Adams's remarks,- 
he ought, in my opinion, to have refused such a call, how- 
ever unequivocally made. Your letter, which I believe 
you showed me at Paris, I supposed was written to ex- 
plain the grounds on which you had proceeded, and to be 
used defensively, upon the possible contingency of a mis 
representation or misconception of your course. No such 
continf^encv had occurred. 

" What would aggravate the pain which I should feel. 



! 



APPENDIX. 291 

even at the necessity of my testifying to any of the trans- 
actions at Ghent, in a controversy between two of my col- 
leagues, is a consideration of the relation in regard to the 
subject, in which I stood to Mr. Adams ; the relation in 
which I now stand to him, and in which we both appear 
to the publick, and the friendly relation which I have ever 
borne to you. I should hope that a necessity may not 
arise for me to appear in any form before the publick. 
Would it not be most advisable for you to state what real- 
ly occurred, without appealing to any person to confirm 
your statement ? Would not such an appeal be a depar- 
ture from self-respect and self-dignity, as implying a con- 
sciousness that it was necessary ? Already, I understand, 
it has been said, at the metropolis of a great state, that 1 
|iave prompted the call for your letter^ than which nothing 
can be more incorrect. I mention the incident, not that I 
care for it, but to show you the distrustful state of the pub- 
lick mind. 

" This letter is not written for the publick eye, but for 
your own. I am most anxious to see the publication, 
which 3'ou intimate was shortly to appear after the date of 
your letter. So far as the subject and the argument are 
concerned, you cannot fail to achieve a signal triumph 
over your antagonist. And I repeat, in conclusion, the 
hope that, so far as there is any thing personal, you will 
36 able fully to vindicate yourself in respect to the variance 
between your two letters. 

" Be pleased to present my best respects to Mrs. Russell; 
ind believe me sincerely and cordially yours, 

(Signed) "H. CLAY." 

The Honourable Mr. Russell." 

"P. S. — In the session of congress of 1815 — 16, in a 



iebate on the state of the union, I addressed the house of 
representatives, in vindication of the war, the terms of 



292 APPENDIX. 

peace, &c. In the course of my speech, I stated that a 
majority of the American commissioners had made the 
offer of the navigation of the Mississippi for the fishing 
liberties. Mj speech was published in the InteUigencer, 
and other prints of the day. 

" H. C." 



Note 2. 



When the vote in favour of acknowledging the inde- 
pendence of Spanish America had been passed, Mr. Clay 
made a motion in the house of representatives, that a com- 
mittee should be appointed to give Mr. Monroe informa- 
tion of what had been done. The motion prevailed, and 
Mr. C. was made chairman of the committee. By a por- 
tion of the administration party, this appointment, at the 
time, was considered disrespectful to the president. On 
the subject of South American independence, Mr. Monroe 
and Mr. Clay had, for years, been opposing each other — 
the one using the influence of office, and the other exert- 
ing the power of eloquence ; and it was deemed improper 
that the latter, after gaining the victory, should be the ■ 
person selected to announce the issue to his vanquished i 
antagonist. Mr. Nelson, of Virginia, was particularly.' 
exasperated. He walked from the capitol to the presi-' 
dent's house, raving like a maniac, and muttering, that 
Mr. Clay, not content with having thwarted the policy of 
Mr. Monroe, had gone to beard him in his own home. 
Mr. C, however, instead of wounding Mr. M.'s feelings 
unnecessarily, communicated this message with all the 
peculiar and flattering delicacy which uniformly marked 
his personal deportment. 

It is, perhaps, unnecessary to add, in this place, that 



APPENDIX. 293 

Mr. Clay's popularity in South America has been, and 
still continues to be, unbounded. During the Spanish 
struggle, his speeches were read repeatedly at the head of 
the patriot army ; and, as often as they were heard, the 
flame of valour burst out anew. Both by officers and sol- 
diers he was looked to as a patron saint ; and many were 
the letters that he received, expressive of the bfessings 
which were daily breathed to his name. 



Note 4. y. 



1^^ 



A little incident grew out of Mr. Clay's exertions upon 
the tariff, which, at the time, afforded great amusement 
in Washington, and throughout Virginia generally. On 
the appearance of his great speech, Mr. William B. Giles, 
since governor of Virginia, published a series of articles, 
entitled, '' The Golden Casket ;" wherein the champion 
of American industry was made the subject of the most 
intemperate, though impotent vituperations. Mr. C. na- 
turally read the articles, but knowing the infirmities of 
the author, he could not think of resentins- the lanoruas^e 
of insult wherewith they were made up. Feeling, how- 
ever, in rather a light mood, and having nothing to en- 
gage his particular attention at the moment, he deter- 
mined to pass off a jest upon his calumniator. With this 
view, he took up his pen, and addressed a long letter to 
Mr. Giles, complimenting him upon the vigour of his in- 
tellect, and praising him especially for all those qualities 
which he was notorious for not possessing. After finish- 
ing it, he handed it to Mr. Archer of Virginia, and seve- 
ral other personal friends, all of whom laughed immode- 
rately over the contents, and insisted on its being sent to 

Mr. Giles. Accordmgly it was sent. The old gentk- 

26* 



294 APPENDIX, 

man, as had been foreseen, read it with extraordinary sa- 
tisfaction and self-complacencj. The praise which it con- 
tained was exactly that for which he had most thirsted — 
the praise of his weakest traits of character. He read it 
again and again, and at each successive reading his heart 
softened toward the author, till at length he remarked, 
that, if he had received it prior to the publication of his 
" Golden Casket," he should have spoken of Mr. Clay in 
that work very diiferently. He next commenced reading 
the letter to his friends, to show them in what estimation 
he was held by the American orator and statesman ; but, 
unluckily, almost the first person who heard it, had the 
sagacity to discover its true import, and immediately gave 
circulation to the story of the jest. Every body was nov 
anxious to see the letter, and some diversity of opinion 
arose as to its character. A few of Mr. Giles' adherents 
contended that it had been written in good faith ; but a 
majority of the community united in the opinion that Mr. 
G. had been most laughably and deservedly hoaxed. The 
dispute was carried so far, that the two parties became 
quite violent — the one in anger, and the other in merri- 
ment. At length Mr. Archer, who lived in the same dis- 
trict with Mr. Giles, returned from congress, and ex- 
plained the whole matter, and the merriment now became 
imiversal. This was more than Mr. G. could bear. Con- 
sequently, at the opening of the next session of congress, 
he sent his son, a lad about sixteen years of age, to de- 
mand an explanation from Mr. Claj^ Mr. C. received 
the boy very kindly ; and the latter, producing the famous j 
letter, told Mr. Clay, with some trepidation, that he was 
authorized by his father to demand, whether he were the 
author of that communication, and, if so, what were his 
motives in making it. Mr. C. heard the boy's message, 
and then remarked to him civillv. — " Tell vour father 



APPENDIX. 295 

that I shall make no explanation to him through his own 
son. If he will employ a proper messenger, 1 will render 
him another answer." The lad withdrew, and Mr. Clay 
heard nothing from Mr. Giles afterwards. 



Note 5. 

Mr. Clay's appeal to the house, though never accu- 
rately reported, was substantially as follows : — 

" Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : — A note 
appeared this morning in the National Intelligencer, un- 
der the name, and with the authority, I presume, of a 
member of this house, wherein he adopts, as his own, a 
previous letter, published in another print, containing se- 
rious and injurious imputations against me, which he 
avows his readiness to substantiate by proof. These char- 
ges implicate my conduct in regard to the pending presi- 
dential election; and the respectability of the station 
which the member holds, who thus openly prefers them, 
and that of the people whom he represents, entitle them 
to your attention. It might, indeed, be worthy of your 
consideration, whether the character and dignity of the 
house itself does not require a full investigation of them, 
and an impartial decision on their truth. For if they are 
true — if I am base enough to betray the solemn trust 
which the constitution has confided to me — if, yielding to 
personal views and considerations, I am capable of com- 
promitting the highest interests of my country, the house 
cannot but be scandaUzed by my continuing to occupy 
the chair, with which I have been so long honoured m 
presiding at its deliberations, and I merit instantaneous 
expulsion. Without, however, presuming to indicate 
what the house may conceive it ought to do on account 



296 APPENDIX. 

of its own purity and honour, I hope I shall be allowed 
respectfully to solicit, in behalf of myself, an inquiry into 
the charges to which I refer. Standing, in relation to 
the house, as both the member from Pennsylvania and 
myself do, it appears to me that here is the proper place 
to institute the inquiry, in order, that if guilty, here the 
proper punishment may be applied; and, if innocent, that 
here my character and conduct may be vindicated. I 
anxiously hope, therefore, that the house will direct an in- 
vestigation to be made into the truth of the charges. 
Emanating from the source they do, this is the only no- 
tice which I can take of them. If the house shall think 
proper to raise a committee, I trust that some other than 
the ordinary mode pursued by the house, will be adopted 
to appoint the committee." 

The committee's report is here subjoined. 

" The select committee, to which was referred the com- 
munication of the speaker, of the third instant, report — 

" That, upon their first meeting, ^vith a view to execute 
the duty imposed upon them by the house, they directed 
their chairman to direct a letter to the Hon. George Kre- 
mer, informing him that they would be readj^, at a parti- 
cular time therein stated, to receive any evidence or ex- 
planation he might have to offer, touching the charges 
referred to in the communication of the speaker, of the 
3d instant. Their chairman, in conformity with this in- 
struction, did address such a letter to Mr. Kremer, who 
replied, that he would make a communication to the com- 
mittee ; — accordingly, he did send to them, through their 
chairman, a communication, which accompanies this re- 
port, in which he declines to -appear before them for either 
of the purposes mentioned in their letter ; alleging, that 
he could not do so without appearing either as an accuser 
or a witness, both of which he protests against. In this 



APPENDIX. 297 

posture of the case, the committee can take no further 
steps. They are aware that it is competent to the house 
I to invest them with power to send for persons and papers, 
and, by that means, to enable them to make any investi- 
gation which might be thought necessary ; and, if they 
knew any reason for such investigation, they would have 
asked to be clothed with the proper power : but, not having 
themselves any such knowledge, they have felt it to be 
their duty only to lay before the house the communica- 
tion which they have received." 



Note 6. 

It is worthy of being remarked, that Mr. Clay's con- 
stituents gave repeated manifestations of their approval 
of his vote; and finally, in 1828, after a protracted and 
bitter canvass between Mr. Adams and General Jackson, 
by a large majority, voted for Mr. Adams, as he had done 
in February, 1825. 



Note 7. 

A letter, which Mr. Clay addressed to his friend. Judge 
Brooke, about that time, may serve as an index to his 
feelings. We subjoin it. 

Washington, 28th Jan. 1825. 

My Dear Sir — My position, in relation to the presi- 
dential contest, is highly critical, and such as to leave me 
no path on which I can move without censure. I have 
pursued, in regard to it, the rule which I always observe 
in the discharge of my pubUck duty. I have interrogated 
my conscience as to what I ought to do, and that faithful 



298 APPENDIX. 

guide tells me that I ought to vote for Mr. Adams, I 
shall fulfil its injunctions. Mr. Crawford's state of health, 
and the circumstances under which he presents himself 
to the house, appear to me to be conclusive against him. 
As a friend to liberty and to the permanence of our insti- 
tutions, I cannot consent, in this early stage of their ex- 
istence, by contributing to the election of a military chief- 
tain, to give ihe strongest guarantee that this republick will 
march in the fatal road which has conducted every other 
republick to ruin. I owe to your friendship this frank ex- 
position of my intentions. I am, and shall continue to 
be, assailed by all the abuse, which partizan zeal, malig- 
nity, and rivalry, can invent. I shall view, without emo- 
tion, these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in 
my purpose. What is a publick man worth, if he will not 
expose himself, on fit occasions, for the good of his coun. 
try? 

As to the result of the election, I cannot speak with 
absolute certainty ; but there is every reason to believe 
that we shall avoid the dangerous precedent to which I 
allude. 

The Hon. R Brooke. H. CLAY. 



\ 



A Note 8. 

• ^ The paper here alluded to by Mr. Adams, is so beauti- 
ful, so eloquent, and so just, that it deserves to be held in 
remembrance. The gentlemen to whom it was written, 
had expressed, on his retirement from office, their confi- 
dence in his purity and his patriotism, and a hope that the 
evening of his days would be passed in that tranqaillity 
which is only the lot of the good. He replied as follows : 
" Felloio-citizens — I have received your very kind let- 



fc) 



APPENDIX. 299 

ter of the 4th instant, written in behalf of the citizens, 

/hose committee you are, and tender to you and to them 

,iy grateful thanks, for the sentiments you have been 

pleased to express, with regard to myself, and to the citi- 

:2ns associated with me in the late administration of the 

general government. The letters to Mr. Clay and Mr. 

Southard, enclosed in yours to me, have been delivered to 

them. 

In a free republick, the first wish of every man invested 
with a publick trust, should be, by his faithful discharge of 
his duty to his constituents, to deserve, and the second to 
obtain, their approbation. For the first, depending, as it 
does, upon his own will, he is responsible to God and his 
country. For the second, depending, as it does, upon the 
will of others, he can be no further responsible than by 
the performance of his duties. As the re-election of a 
president of the United States, after one term of service, 
is the only manifestation of publick opinion by which the 
approbation of his fellow-citizens, upon his services can 
be ascertained, it is an object of laudable ambition, and of 
blameless desire. If it cannot be obtained by public ser- 
vice alone, the duty of the servant, who has failed to ob- 
tain the approbation of his masters, is cheerfully to ac- 
quiesce in that expression of their will by which it is de- 
nied, and calmly to await that final judgement upon his 
pubHck labours and aspirations, which speaks in the im- 
partial voice of after ages. 

'' In the recent expressions of the will of the people of 
the Union, with regard to the general administration, it 
has been consolatory to me to observe the large and re 
spectable portion of them, who, though not composing a 
majority of the whole, yet comprised upwards of half a 
million of suffi'ages, and proclaimed by those sufiVages, 
their approbation of my humble but faithful efforts to serve 



300 APPENDIX. 

my country. It has been peculiarly grateful to me to per- ^ 
ceive, that the support of those who had extended to me 
then* confidence in advance, has, in very few instances, 
been withdrawn ; while that of whole states, which had 
judged less favourably before, has been generously yielded 
to me. now. Of these. New- Jersey herself is one ; and 
permit me to avail myself of this occasion, to extend to 
the whole of her pure, unsophisticated, truly republican, 
and intelligent population, my heartfelt thanks for that I 
support. Let me add, that in one of her native sons I j 
have found, as an assistant in the arduous duties of my ' 
station, a man with a heart as pure as it is given to hu- 
man nature to possess — with a mind capable of those con- 
ceptions which lead nations to the paths of glory — with a 
promptitude and energy of action which disappointment 
cannot discourage, nor the infirmities of disease depress : 
the navy of this nation will remember him long. Nor is 
it, I trust, within the compass of political vicissitude, to 
withhold him long from participation in the highest coun- ^ 
cils of oiu' country. I need not say it is one of those (Mr. 
Southard) to whom your enclosed letters were addressed. 

" The other is equally worthy of the honour in which , 
you have associated him with me by your letter. Upon 
him the foulest slanders have been showered. Long known 
and appreciated, as successively a member of both houses 
of your national legislature, as the unrivalled speaker, and, 
at the same time, most efficient leader of debates in one of 
them; — as an able and successful negotiator for your in- 
terests in war and in peace, with foreign powers, and as a 
powerful candidate for the highest of your trusts. The 
department of state itself was a station, which, by its be- 
stowal, could confer neither profit nor honour upon him, 
but upon which he has shed unfiiding honour, by the man- 
ner in which he has discharged its duties. Prejudice and 



APPENDIX. 301 

passion have charged him with obtaining that office by 
bargain and corruption. Before you, my fellow-citizens, 
in the presence of our country and of heaven, I pronounce 
that charge totally unfounded. This tribute of justice is 
due from me to him, and I seize, with pleasure, the oppor- 
tunity afforded me by your letter, of discharging the obli- 
gation. 

" As to my motives for tendering to him the department 
of state when I did, let that man who questions them 
come forward. Let him look around among statesmen 
and legislators of this nation and of that day. Let him 
then select and name the man whom, by his pre-eminent 
talents, by his splendid services, by his ardent patriotism, 
by his all-embracing public spirit, by his fervid eloquence 
in behalf of the rights and liberties of mankind, by his 
long experience in the affairs of the Union, foreign and 
domestic ; — a president of the United States, intent only 
upon the honour and welfare of his country, ought to have 
preferred to Henry Clay. Let him name the man, and 
then judge you, my fellow-citizens, of my motives. 

Nor can I pass over this opportunity, without offering a 
congenial tribute of justice and of gratitude to those other 
eminent and virtuous citizens, who have been united with 
me in the performance of my painful, but I will not say, 
thankless labours. I took not one of them from the cir- 
cle, though I leave every one of them among the dearest 
of my personal friends. Amidst all the difficulties, dis- 
couragements, and troubles, which have attended my ad- 
ministration, it has been a never-failing source of consola- 
tion to me, that its internal harmony has been more per- 
fect than that of any other administration which this 
country has ever witnessed. 

" Of the qualifications of the secretary of the treasury, 
(Mr. Rush,) let his annual reports upon the finances, com- 

26 






302 APPENDIX. 

pared with those of all his predecessors — ^let the payment 
of thirty-three millions of the public debt, during the four 
years of his agency — let his indefatigable industry and , 
assiduity, in the discharge of all the duties of an office, | 
burthened with them almost beyond the ability of human ' 
endurance — let the urbanity of his manners, and the cour- ' 
tesy of his deportment, to the innumerable claimants upon 
the treasury, who have approached him in the successive 
years, through which, but for the intervention of disease, j 
he has been absent from his office not a single day : — let 
these be the decisive tests. Descended from parents, of 
whose character, both public and private, Pennsylvania 
and New-Jersey have equal reason to be proud, well hasf 
he sustained, and does sustain, the honour of his name. 
His services and his friendship to me have been inestima- 
ble ; and, in parting with him, I confidently trust that his ^ 
future services w411 not be lost to the sagacity of his native 
state, or of the Union. 

In the department of war alone did a change take 
place of the person at its head, during the progress of my 
administration. It was, at first, conferred upon a citizen 
of Virginia, (Mr. Barbour,) long possessed of the highest 
confidence of that great and honourable commonwealth ; 
— ^her governor in the days of danger and of invasion du- 
rino" the late war ; — her senator at the time I invited him 
to preside over that department. He had been a wan . 
supporter of one of my competitors at the election ; but 
his opposition to me had been that of a liberal and ho- 
nourable mind. His fulfilment of the duties of the de- 
partment fully justified the confidence I had reposed in 
him ; and he recently left it only for the most important 
of our missions abroad, in which he is now ably and faith- 
fully maintaining the honour and interests of our country. 
His successor, (Gen. Porter,) was a citizen of New- 



APPENDIX. 303 

York, also highly distinguished by the honours of his na- 
tive state and of the Union ; — one of the members of that 
congress which vindicated the traduced honour and spirit 
of the nation, by the declaration of war in 1812 ; — one of 
the warriors, whose gallant achievements during the war 
have been recorded in the solemn legislative thanks of his 
country ; — since intrusted with an arduous commission for 
the settlement of her boundaries ; — and, when invited by 
me to a share in the councils of the Union, a member of 
the legislature of New- York. His services in the depart- 
ment of war have been also satisfactory and effective; 
and he leaves to his successor an official reputation, which 
it will be praise enough to him to maintain unimpaired. 

The attorney -general, (Mr. Wirt,) was also an adopted 
citizen of Virginia, not less distinguished by the classical 
elegance of his taste in literature, than by his profound 
learning in the law, and his commanding eloquence at 
the bar. The biographer of Patrick Henry — the painter 
of manners and instructer of morals — at an early period 
of life appointed and commissioned by my predecessor, I 
deemed myself, and the country, fortunate by his continu- 
ance in the same capacity during my term of service. 
Educated and inclining to a rigorous construction of the 
extent of constitutional power, his professional advice has 
been the more readily confided in by me, as its tendencies 
always were rather to the limitation, than to the enlarge- 
ment of its exercise ; for, in the whole course of my ad- 
ministration, I have deemed it safer to abstain from the 
use of any questionable authority, than to hazard the en- 
croachment of power, by assuming, unnecessarily, the de- 
cision of disputed points. 

Such, fellow-citizens, have been the associates of my 
official duties, in the conduct of my administration. Un- 
able to bestow upon them any other reward for their faith- 



304 APPENDIX. 

ful and zealous service to their country, than this testimo- 
nial of my gratitude and esteem, it is with a pleasure not 
inferior to that which I receive from j'^our friendly estimate 
of my own endeavours, that I shall cherish the assurance 
of your approbation extended to them. 

With regard to those apprehensions of future evil which 
your solicitude for the welfare of our country has inspired, 
in looking forward to the administration of my successor, 
it becomes me, perhaps, only to say, that I hope the}'' may 
prove unfounded. To a president of the United States, 
the favour of the people is an instrument of beneficent 
power, more potent than an imperial sceptre. But it is in 
the fortunes of nations, and especially in the improvement 
of their condition, that the history of their benefactors 
must be traced. It is in the ages of posterity this historj- 
must be read. If, in the reform of abuses, which have es- 
caped the vigilance of my observation, the president of 
the United States shall introduce none of deeper conse- 
quence and more alarming magnitude, I shall myself be 
ready to mingle in the voice of gratulation, at the deeper 
{penetration, or more efficient energy, which shall discern 
the la.tent defect, and appl}^ the corrective remedj'-. Should 
the promise of reform itself be wasted upon trifles, undis- 
cernible to the eye of posterity, or be spent upon the pal- 
pitations of heart between the incumbent and the expect- 
ant of official emoluments, the nation will enjoy little be- 
nefit, and suffer little injury hy the change. That is not 
a plant, the root of which will strike to the centre, and the 
stem of which will ascend with fragrance to the skies. 
With you, my countrymen, I am disposed to hope and 
pray for the best ; to extend to the administration every rea- 
sonable indulgence which they may need; and to give 
them credit for every good deed they may perform for the 
promotion of the general welfare. 



APPENDIX. 305 

" Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves, and those whom 
you represent, the respectful salutations of your friend and 

fellow-citizen, 

JOHN aUINCY ADAMS." 

Washington, 11 th March, 1829. 



Note 9. j^- 



a^^'<^ 



The incident to which Mr. Adams here alludes, we sup- 
pose to be Mr. Clay's duel with John Randolph. Mr. A. 
is right in his supposition, that Mr. C. regrets this incident 
— he certainly does regret it. No man is less a duellist in 
principle than himself Five years ago, he remarked, in 
an address to his fellow-citizens — '' I owe it to the com- 
munity to say, that, whatever heretofore I mcty have done, 
or, by inevitable circumstances, may be forced to do, no 
man in it holds in deeper abhorrence than I do, the perni- 
cious practice of duelling. Condemned, as it must be, by 
the judgment and philosophy, to say nothing of the reli- 
gion, of every thinking man, it is an affair of feeling, 
about which we cannot, although we should, reason. The 
true corrective will be found, when all shall unite, as all 
ought to unite, in its unqualified proscription." 

We have strong doubts whether any possible combina 
tion of circumstances can justify a duel; but certainly 
those in which Mr. Clay was'placed, approximated as near 
to a perfect justification, as circumstances ever did or ever 
can. There is much truth in the following paragraph, 
which we extract from a letter recently sent us by a gen- 
tleman, who has stood far higher than Mr: Randolph in 
office, as well as in public estimation. 

" It is pretty well known to the nation at large, on the 

2G* 



306 APPENDIX. 

political boards of which Mr. Randolph has so long been 
an actor of all-work, that whatever other qualifications he 
may possess, malignant passions abound in him, and that 
his tongue is little scrupulous in giving vent to them. 
Thej overflowed in epithets of even more than his usual 
venom and scurrility upon Mr. Clay. I do not mean, by 
the remark, to justify the latter in the course he took ; for 
besides other objections to it, it gave to Mr. Randolph a 
certain political consequence which he could not have 
reached without it. But the remark may suggest some 
excuse, as showing the event to have sprung from the 
frailties of an honourable mind, roused, at last, by attacks, 
that had become rather personal than political." 

Mr. Randolph having resolved, near the time of the ad- 
justment of the Missouri question, to have an affair of ho- 
nour with Mr. Clay, kept his resolution ever afterwards 
steadily in view. The motives by v/hich he was actuated 
it is difficult to conjecture. That he hated Mr. Claj^ for 
having triumphed over him so often and so signally, ad- 
mits of no doubt. Perhaps he reflected, that if he suc- 
ceeded in killing Mr. Clay, his long-cherished malice 
would be gratified : and that, if he himself fell by Mr. 
C.'s hand, he should be consecrated in the minds of the 
multitude, like a tree in ancient times, when struck by 
lis-htninir. 

Mr. Randolph's seat in tiie senate, during Mr. Clay's 
secretarj'ship, gave him an opportunity to effect his ob- 
ject. How did he use it ? — By assailing Mr. C.'s personal 
character — by calling him a blackleg — ^by stealing, in 
short, "a leaf from the curse-book of Pandemonium," to 
abuse and insult him. He knew that Mr. Clay was sur- 
rounded by his family. He knew that his every word, 
whether spoken in his sober or inebriated moments, was 
pregnant with death to the pride and the happiness of the 



APPENDIX. 307 

innocent and the lovely. Although he hhnself had no 
familj' — although he was the individual, in reference to 
whom a distinguished friend of ours once thanked God in 
congress, that monsters could not perpetuate their species; 
— still he must have known, from hearsaj^, that the feel- 
ings of a wife and a daughter are keenly sensitive. Had 
Mr. Clay held a' seat in the senate, Mr. Randolph, dark as 
were his designs, and much as he longed for a quarrel, 
would not have dared to use the language of open outrage. 
There was ever something in Mr. C.'s ej'-e, before which 
his spirit quailed and blinked like a frightened thing. It 
is said to be in the order of nature, that even the fierce 
crest of the wild-cat cowers before the majesty of a god- 
like face. Mr. Clay, however, was absent ; and every day 
of his forbearance added bitterness to the insults that were 
heaped on him. What could he do ? Undoubtedlj^ that 
religion, whose kingdom is not of this world, required him 
to endure patiently unto the end. It is a matter of regret 
that he did not ; — but who shall censure him harshly for 
having, in a moment of uncontrollable exasperation, tmmed 
upon his pursuer, and dared him to single combat I 

Of the duel itself it is not necessary to saj^ much. Mr. 
Randolph, in defiance of established usage, went upon the 
field in a huge morning-gown ; and the seconds, had not 
Mr. Clay interfered, would have made this singular con- 
duct the occasion of a quarrel. In due time the parties 
fired; and, luckily for both of them, or at least for Mr. 
Clay, Mr. Randolph's life was saved by his gown. The 
unseemly garment constituted such a vast circumference, 
that the locality of " the thin and swarthy senator" was, 
at least, a matter of very vague conjecture. Mr. C. might 
as well have fired into the outspread top of an oak, in the 
hope of hitting a bird that he supposed to be snugly perched 
somewhere among the branches. His ball hit the centre 



308 APPENDIX. 

of the visible object, but Randolph was not there — and, of 
course, the shot did no harm, and no good. After the 
first discharge, Mr. Randolph, by firing into the air, showed 
his disinclination to continue the fight, and is now living 
"to fight another day." 



INDEX 

Preface. - - - - - - Page 3. 

PART FIRST 

Section First. — Iiitroductor}- remarks — birth of Mr. Clay — placed 
in a lawyer's office — admitted to the bar — removes to the west — 
first effort at publick speaking — his success — practitioner of law — 
his success — defence of Mrs. Phelps, success of — of two Germans 
— of JNIr. Willis — triumph over the court — uniformly engaged in 
all capital trials — case of the negro slave — his success in the man- 
agement of civil cases. - - - - p. 7- 

Section' Second. — Commencement of the political career of Mr. Clay 
— his views of slavery — unpopularity of his views in Kentucky — 
his opposition to the alien and sedition laws — effects of that oppo- 
sition — chosen to the legislature — Mr. Grundy — Mr. Clay's re- 
marks on motion to remove seat of government — Mr. Clay's diffi- 
culty with Mr. Daviess — reconciliation — Mr. Clay apj)ears as 
counsel for Aaron Burr — the reason — Mr. Clay elected lo U. S. 
Senate — speech on bill for constructing bridge over Potomack — 
reply to Mr. Tracy — remarks on habeas corpus bill — retires from 
Senate — elected to Kentucky legislature — chosen speaker — re- 
marks on British decisions of law — difficulty with Mr. Marshi\ll 
— duel — views of a contested election — chosen U. S. Senator — 
popularity. - - - - - p. 21. 

Section Third. — Mr. Clay supports a bill for internal improvement.-* 
— speech — U. S. claims to part of West Florida — speech in flivour 
of— opposition to claims by federal party — second speech — Na 
tional bank, rechartering of — causes of opposition to — speech — 
efiects of. - - ■ - - - p. 48. 



310 INDEX. 

PART SECOND. 

SfiCTiON First. — Mr. tZ!lay elected to Congress — chosen speaker — 
John Randolph) character of — our relations with England — ses- 
sion of Congress — preparations for war — bill to raise an army — 
speech — bill for navy — speech — success of bill — embargo — Mr. 
Gtuincy, character of — Mr. Clay's speech on embargo — contro- 
versy with Mr. R,andolph — declaration of war. - p. 62. 

Section Second. — Session of Congress — report of military committee 
— opposition to the report — Mr. Gluincy's attack on republican 
party — Mr. Clay's speech — his castigation of Mr. Gluincy — Mr. 
Clay appointed Commissioner to treat for peace — resigns the 
speaker's chair. ----- p. 88. 

Section Third. — Negotiation for peace — Mr. Clay at Ghent — his 
abilities as a negotiator — difficulties attending plural commissions 
— reason for not conceding navigation of Mississippi — difference 
of opinion among American Commissioners — ISlr. Gallatin — ISh. 
Clay — Mr. Bayard — Mr. Clay refuses to sign treaty — the Missis- 
sippi question — issue of dispute between Mr. Adams and Mr. 
Russel in 1822 — -cause of the dispute — course pursued by Mr. 
Clay — his letter to Mr. Russel — misstatement of Mr. Adams in his 
controversy with INIr. Russel — correction by Mr. Clay. p. 102. 

PART THIRD. 

Section First. — Session of Congress 1815-16 — Mr. Clay chosen 
speaker — National bank, report of committee on — ]>Jr. Clay iii 
favour of bank — change of his opinion — dilJerence between ohl 
and new bank. - - - - - p. 117. 

Section Second. — South American Republicks — Mr. Clay's feelings 
enlisted in their favour — his remarks — commissioners sent ti) 
South America — Mr. Clay proposes to send a minister to La Plata 
— his speech — his defeat — bis success in 1820 — his speech — effect 
of recognition — general remarks on true merit — compliment of 
Mr. Forsyth — letter of Bolivar— Mr. Clay's reply. p. 123. 

Section Third. — Internal improvements — opinions of Jefferson, 
Madison, and Monroe — Mr. Clay's s|X>ech in favour of internal 
improvements — his construction of the constitution — opposition to 
— allusion to the President — motion of Mr. Clay carried — speech 
on internal improvement in 1824 — opposition disarmed. p. 146. 



INDEX. 311 

Section Fourth. — Seminole war, history of— conduct of Gen. Jack- 
son in — supported by President and cabinet — massacre of Indians 
reprobated by Mr. Clay — Arbuthnot and Ambrister — Gen. Jack- 
son's conduct towards them — Mr. Clay's remarks thereon — also 
on outrages committed on Spanish authorities — close of Mr. C.'s 
speech — intercourse between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Clay broken 
off. p. 162. 

Section Fifth. — American System — the part taken in the estab- 
lishment of the system by Mr. Clay in 1815-16— also in 1819-20 
— his views of the system — opposed by Mr. Webster — grounds of 
Mr. Clay's argument — objections to the system — objections by 
Mr. Barbour — success of the system. - - p. 179. 

Section Sixth. — Proposal to admit Missouri — condition proposed — 
difficulties — Mr. Clay's views — conditions discussed, 1818-19 — 
result unfortunate — discussion renewed, 1819-20 — speech of Mr. 
Clay — termination of dispute — Missouri constitution — discussion 
renewed at session of Congress, 1820-21 — jMr. Clay absent — 
course pursvied by him on his arrival — appointment of committee 
of thirteen — their report — rejected — another committee appointed 
at the suggestion of jNIr. Clay — their report accepted — issue of 
the question — conduct of Mr. Randolph. - p. 195. 

Section Seventh. — Mr. Clay in his retirement from Congress ap- 
pointed a commissioner to adjust certain land claims — attends the 
sittings of Virginia legislature — obtains a hearing before that body 
— amusing incident — success of Missouri — Mr. Clay reappointed 
to Congress — chosen speaker — Greek revolution — Mr. Webster 
presents a resolution for recognition of independence of Greece — 
supported by Mr. Clay — his speech — his laboiurs during the session 
of Congress. - - - - " • P- 216. 

Section Eighth. — Presidential canvass for 1825— candidates — Mr. 
Clay nominated — his loss of the votes of Louisiana— candidatow 
returned to the house — Mr, Clay caressed— his reserve — pre- 
ference for Mr. Adams— Letter on his conduct by Mr. Kremer — 
covursc pursued by Mr. Clay — requests an investigation of his 
conduct — course pursued by Mr. Kremer — Mr. K. refuses to sub- 
stantiate the charges of bargain and corruption — state of the 
electoral vote — instructions of Kentucky legislature — Mr. Craw- 
ford, the state of his health— Mr. Clay compelled to choo6« l>€- 



312 INDEX. 

tween Jackson and Adams — reasons for not preferring Jackson- 
reasons for preferring Adams — the day of election m the House — 
Mr. Clay chosen secretary — attacks on Mr. Clay for Ms vote — by 
General Jackson — Mr. Clay's defence — result. p. 223. 

PART FOURTH. 

Section First. — Mr. Adams, as President, calumniated — general re- 
marks — labours of the office of Secretary of State — Mr. Clay en- 
ters upon the duties of the office— discharges them with abilit)' — 
testimonial of Mr. Adams and of Mr. Rush— Mr. Clay's inter- 
course with foreign ministers — number of treaties concluded by 
liim — principle involved in them — West India trade — history of 
the negotiation for that trade — difficulties with England, in rela- 
tion to the trade — prohibition of intercourse with the West India 
Islands — proposal by Messrs. Adams and Clay — Mr. C.'s reproof 
of the conduct of Mr. Raguet. p. 240. 

Section Second. — Recognition of Independence of Greece — Minister 
sent to that country — Letter to our Minister at Russia, instruct- 
ing him to request the mediation of the Emperor between Spain 
and the South American States — Panama Mission — Appoint- 
ment of Representatives — Mr. C.'s instructions to them. p. 254. 

Section Third. — New administration — general remarks — Mr. Adams 
an unpopular man — his patriotism — Mr. Clay shared that unpopu- 
larit}" for a time — Mr. Clay returns to the west — his re<.'eption — 
Mr. Clay offered a seat in Congress — refuses — invited to visit his 
fellow citizens — general remarks — Mr. Clay at Lexington— his 
speech — his views of govcrriment — conclvision of his speech — his 
views of the administration — general remarks — Mr. Clay visits 
New-Orleans — speech at Natchez — description of — visits Colum- 
bus — speech at Cincinnati — address before Colonization Society 
— general remarks — liistory of Mr. Clay connected with his 
country's. P- 262. 

Conclusion. — Mr. Clay — his personal appearance — his oratorical 
powers — his voice — his manner — general character of his mind — 
his character in private — his hospitality — concluding remarks. 280. 

Appendix. — Mr. Clay's letter to Jonatluui Russell — Mr. Clay one of 
the committee to inform the President of the acknowledgement of 
the Independence of South America — Anecdote — Mr. Clay's ap- 
peal to the House — Testimonial of his constituents in 1828 — Mr. 
Clay's letter to James Brooke — Mr. Adam's letter to citizens of 
New-Jersey. p. 265. 



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